EASTER 2023.

Easter 1916 Timeline –

‘07.55hrs – Sackville Street being blown to pieces. The centre of Dublin is unrecognisable this morning. Rubble is strewn everywhere. Burnt-out cars, trams, dead horses, human bodies, all matter of carnage fills the capital’s streets. British 18-pounders are booming once again. The rebel HQ is completely surrounded.

09.05hrs – As soon as the sun rose this morning the machine guns and sniper rifles returned to work. Throughout the night, armoured cars have been scouting around Jacob’s factory’s positions. With the sound of heavy fighting and artillery, and word coming down from the factory’s towers of huge fires on the north side of the city, the men of Jacob’s garrison must fear that it will not be long before their own position is assaulted by the enemy.

10.12hrs – South Staffordshires are on the march. Huge numbers of troops from the regiment have crossed the Liffey at Butt Bridge, before marching on to Gardiner Street, and making their way towards Bolton Street. The college there is thronged with hungry and increasingly desperate refugees from the growing chaos…’

(from here.)

Please only contribute to genuine Easter Lily distributors – not those who are ‘licensed’ by Leinster House or those who requested and received a ‘permit’ from Leinster House to distribute Easter Lilies.

Those in Leinster House are representative of the political regime that fought against, imprisoned and executed the men and women who fought and struggled (and still do) to implement the political ideals represented by the Easter Lily emblem.

Despite what those in Leinster House would have you believe, not one Irish republican campaigned, fought or died for this corrupt Free State, never mind to end-up applying to it for ‘permission’ to honour the men and women that it, and its parent administration in London, executed (see the ‘Offaly Sinn Féin’ pic, below)

After the British have completely left Ireland, politically and militarily, and the definite timeline from 1916 to that date is written, those reading it will then realise that the only part played in that scenario by the Stormont and Leinster House institutions was in delaying that achievement.

Irish republicans realise that, and have always done so.


“The British Ambassador called to see me at 11am this morning. He told me in strict confidence that he had received a message from the British representative in Belfast, Mr Ronnie Burroughs , who indicated that he had been informed by Mr Brian Faulkner that the latter is confident of securing the nomination to be the next Prime Minister of Northern Ireland (sic).

Mr Faulkner expects this to be approved about noon on Tuesday and that he will go to the Governor-General about 3.00pm….Mr Burroughs said that Mr Faulkner had assured him categorically that he would be prepared to implement the Downing Street Declaration and that there would be no going back on the policies relating to the B Specials, the RUC and reform.

He also indicated that he would not have anyone in his Cabinet who would not support his policies…in the course of the discussion which followed the Ambassador and I touched on the doubts held by the minority in the North on the sincerity of Mr Faulkner in relation to reforms…Mr Faulkner’s earlier right-wing tendencies did not inspire confidence…” (from this Free State document, dated 23rd March 1971, and marked ‘Secret’.)

Brian Faulkner was born in Helen’s Bay, in County Down, and was elected to Stormont as a Unionist MP for East Down in the 1949 election. He became ‘Prime Minister of Northern Ireland’ (sic) on the 22nd March 1971 – 52 years ago on this date – and chaired the first ever inter-party meeting held at Stormont.

However, nationalists were alienated by internment and Faulkner was ordered to hand over complete security control to London in 1972. He became Chief Executive of the new power-sharing executive in 1974, but resigned as party leader when the UUP rejected the proposed ‘all-Ireland council’ settlement by a majority of eighty votes. The executive came to an end as a result of a strike by the Ulster Workers Council (UWC), and Faulkner retired from active politics in 1976.

He died on the 3rd March 1977 at the age of 56 following a riding accident whilst hunting with the County Down Staghounds near Saintfield, County Down. He had been riding at full gallop along a narrow country road when his horse slipped – he was thrown off and killed instantly.

It was during his ‘Premiership’ that internment without trial was introduced, under the ‘1922 Special Powers Act’, on Monday, 9th August 1971, because, according to Faulkner – “Every means has been tried to make terrorists amenable to the law. But the terrorist campaign continues at an unacceptable level. And I have had to conclude that the ordinary law cannot deal quickly or comprehensively enough with such viciousness…”.

The British forces that enforced that ‘edict’ had a list of 450 people to be rounded-up, but managed to grab only 342 of them, all from the nationalist community, only two of whom were republican activists. No loyalists were ‘arrested’. Over the next four days, 24 people were killed in rioting and gun battles across the Six Counties and about 7,000 people had to flee from their homes.

Mr. Faulkner was said to be ‘distressed’ when it was brought to his attention that he had been referenced in a song which lauded a prison break which took place on the 17th November 1971, when he would have been only beginning to build his political career in Stormont – nine IRA prisoners escaped from Crumlin Road Prison in Belfast (which, between it and Long Kesh, housed more than 700 IRA prisoners at the time) with the use of rope-ladders!

The nine were Thomas Kane, Seamus Storey, Bernard Elliman, Danny Mullan, Thomas Fox, Tom Maguire, Peter Rogers, Christy Keenan and Terrence ‘Cleaky’ Clarke and all of them escaped in two cars which were waiting for them on the near-by Antrim Road :


In Crumlin Road Jail all the prisoners one day

took out a football and started to play,

and while all the warders were watching the ball

nine of the prisoners jumped over the wall!

Over the wall, over the wall,

who would believe they jumped over the wall?

over the wall, over the wall,

It’s hard to believe they jumped over the wall!

Now the warders looked on with the greatest surprise

and the sight that they saw brought tears to their eyes,

for one of the teams was not there at all

they all got transferred and jumped over the wall!

Now the governor came down with his face in a twist

and said “Line up those lads while I check out me list,”

but nine of the lads didn’t answer at all

and the warder said “Please Sir, they’re over the wall.”

The ‘security forces’ were shook to the core

so they barred every window and bolted each door,

but all their precautions were no use at all

for another three prisoners jumped over the wall!

Then the news reached old Stormont, Brian Faulkner turned pale

when he heard that more men had escaped from his jail,

said he – “Now we’ll have an enquiry to call, and we’ll get Edmund Compton to whitewash the wall.”

‘Führer Faulkner’ began his ‘premiership’ of an occupied area on this date – 22nd March – 52 years ago.


From ‘The United Irishman’ newspaper, April 1955.

The world and its people were sliced and stabbed at Yalta and the peoples of America, Russia and the British Empire had no voice, no power to stay the ruthless hands of the killers.

If we in Ireland have a message for the peoples of these countries it is this – beware of the power you give your leaders ; make them responsible to you for all their acts, let there be no secret agreements in time of war or in any international crisis. Our duty, whether we be Irish, American, English, Russian or Chinese, is to love one another and not to hate.

It is the desire of all men (sic) to live in peace and, if leaders do or say anything which would inspire hate for other races or peoples, away with them – they are not leaders but demagogues lusting for power.

(END of ‘The Yalta Agreements’ ; NEXT – ‘Mutual Goodwill!’, from the same source.)


“…we have carried out bombings and shootings in Germany over the last two years as well. Last Spring we executed Sir Richard Sykes. He was involved in intelligence gathering against our organisation but he was also a leading propagandist in the same way as Peter Jay* was in America. Sykes was also the man who conducted the investigation into our attack on the British ambassador to Dublin, Ewart Biggs. Richard Sykes was a very important person and what that attack, and others, have shown, is the IRA’s capability to operate abroad and against the enemy, not the host country, and gained our struggle attention there…”

– the reply given to journalist Ed Maloney by an IRA spokesperson, on being asked why the IRA had killed ‘Sir’ Richard Sykes (pictured), as printed in ‘Magill’ magazine, September 1980, eighteen months after Sykes had been assassinated. (*More here, re Peter Jay and what the IRA thought of him…)

‘The Guardian’ newspaper, too, was of the opinion that the man in question (…a ‘decorated war hero..’) was more than just a run-of-the-mill ‘career politician’ – ‘Sir Richard, who would have been 59 in May, was rated as one of the “high flyers” of the British foreign service, coming up through a series of posts that took him to China, Cuba and embassies that are “listening posts” for the Soviet block.

In his last posting before going to The Hague he was one of the six senior officials at the FO (Foreign Office). His division was concerned with defence, arms and security, and it can be presumed he held responsibility for day-to-day links with the intelligence services..’(from here).

The ‘Ireland In History’ blog had this to say about him : “The Ambassador was a noted security expert and at the time there was much initial speculation in the Netherlands and in Britain that other groups under suspicion at the time (including Palestinians and Iraqis) could have targeted him. He was appointed to the job in June 1977 after a two year posting as a Foreign and Commonwealth Office deputy under-secretary in London. He was an acknowledged expert on security affairs and had been a diplomat in Cuba, Peking and Washington. Ironically he was responsible for an internal report on the safety of British diplomats following the assassination by the IRA in 1976 of the British ambassador to Dublin, Sir Christopher Ewart-Biggs…’ (from here.)

The British Government, as expected, put a ‘diplomatic spin’ on the death of ‘Sir’ Sykes and those like him – “Today we honour the memory of 18 courageous men and women whose lives tragically were cut short in service to our country and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

We owe them a great debt of gratitude and we pay tribute to their memory, to their important work and to their undoubted bravery…and I thank you for the contribution that you have made to the service of our country overseas..this ceremony is also a moment to take pride in the Foreign Office and all it represents..it is a great honour to lead an organisation that makes such a unique and irreplaceable contribution to the United Kingdom..etc etc..” but Richard Sykes and those like him were the ‘Cairo Gang’ equivalent of their time and were dealt with as such.

Mr Sykes ended his ‘diplomatic’ career on the 22nd March 1979 – 44 years ago on this date.


From ‘Magill’ Annual, 2002.

These same brave people were also urging all people present at the meeting to do the very same but the response, alas, was a consenting mumble from the crowd.

‘Wigmore’, never adverse to a spot of bandwagon-jumping, welcomes suggestions from readers of other Irish citizens who could be marched to the nearest lock-up in such a wonderfully direct fashion.

The best suggestion will receive a fashionable police night-stick tastefully decorated with a recurring anarchist motif. Answers on a recycled postcard, please…

(END of ‘Rough Justice’ ; NEXT – ‘Though The Heavens May Fall’, from the same source.)


This piece is in relation to one particular aspect of travelling abroad that was more prevalent in previous times than it would be now (a risk reduced thanks to modern technology, I’d like to believe..)

Myself and my friends have landed in New York many times and, apart from being a wee bit merry jet-lagged (!) we were comfortable in ourselves and in our surroundings and were always met on the ground by our friends, colleagues and comrades, but we could easily picture what it would have been like for our ancestors :

‘…on arrival passengers usually made their way to the city to find boarding houses where there was a good chance the remainder of their money would be swindled. The Irish and other immigrants faced numerous abuses such as ‘illusive advertisements, crooked contractors, dishonest prospectuses’ and ‘remittent sharpers’ when they arrived in America. The ‘Irish Emigrant Society’ was founded in 1841 (on the 22nd March that year – 182 years ago on this date) by a group of New York Irish to combat issues such as these.

In December 1848 the Emigrant Society advised emigrants that as soon as their ship came into harbour she would be boarded by an agent of the Society, who would offer them sound and honest advice. But, they warned, the ship would also be boarded by a large number of ‘runners’ – conmen, who would make it their business to attract them to the boarding houses that employed them.

They should be careful not to accept help from them as their ploy was to promise good quality board at low prices, but when they came to leave the house an exorbitant fee would be demanded. They would threaten not to hand over luggage unless this fee was paid and violent scenes might often ensue.

The Society warned that many persons, some of Irish birth, had set up offices in the city where they claimed to be agents for railroad and steamboat enterprises. These crooks sold tickets which purported to entitle the holder to travel to specific destinations but which were worthless.

To protect emigrants from such frauds various measure were introduced in New York in 1848 including the construction of reception centres and the licensing of steam boats to take emigrants from the quarantine to the landing piers. Boarding houses were also required to display their prices in English, Dutch, German, Welsh and French. Immigrants who survived the ordeal of the crossing now had to decide where to settle in America…’ (from here.)

‘…the story of the Irish Emigrant Aid Society founded in 1841 begins in the 1830s when the volume and character of Irish immigration to the United States changed dramatically. We often think of large-scale Irish immigration to America as beginning with the Famine (sic – it was an attempted genocide, by the British ‘Establishment’, against the Irish) in 1845, but it was already well under way by then, with some 200,000 Irish arriving in New York in the 1830s alone.

Before 1830, the majority of Irish immigrants were Protestants from Ulster. More often than not, they arrived with some capital and, equally important, marketable occupational skills. But starting in the 1830s, as the agricultural crisis that would later ‘blossom’ worsened, more and more of the Irish who arrived in the U.S. in the 1830’s and ’40s were poor, unskilled Catholics. Whereas only 28 percent of Irish immigrants arriving in 1826 were unskilled labourers, the number hit 60 percent in the 1830s and kept rising to more than 80 percent by 1850…

One of the most pervasive threats to immigrant well-being addressed (by the Irish Emigrant Society) were the legions of con men and crooks descending upon unsuspecting immigrants. Many of them worked for boarding houses that charged extortionate rates and saddled immigrants with hidden charges.

Others offered fraudulent money exchanges or sold bogus tickets for steamers and trains heading west. Worst were the pimps who steered unsuspecting Irish women to brothels. Sadly, as the Society’s annual reports state, these men often used their ethnic credentials — a good Irish accent or, better still, the ability to speak Irish — to ensnare their fellow Hibernians. An eyewitness account by an Irish priest in the 1850s explains the typical scenario –

“The moment he landed, his luggage was pounced upon by two runners, one seizing the box of tools, the other confiscating the clothes. The future American citizen assured his obliging friends that he was quite capable of carrying his own luggage, but no, they should relieve him — the stranger, and guest of the Republic — of that trouble.

Each was in the interest of a different boarding-house, and each insisted that the young Irishman with the red head should go with him…not being able to oblige both gentlemen, he could oblige only one ; and as the tools were more valuable than the clothes, he followed in the path of the gentleman who had secured that portion of the ‘plunder…’

The two gentlemen wore very pronounced green neckties, and spoke with a richness of accent that denoted special if not conscientious cultivation ; and on his (the Irishman’s) arrival at the boarding-house, he was cheered with the announcement that its proprietor was from “the ould counthry,” and loved every sod of it, God bless it…” (from here.)

I’m sittin’ on the stile, Mary,

Where we sat side by side

On a bright May mornin’ long ago,

When first you were my bride;

The corn was springin’ fresh and green,

And the lark sang loud and high –

And the red was on your lip, Mary,

And the love-light in your eye.

The place is little changed, Mary,

The day is bright as then,

The lark’s loud song is in my ear,

And the corn is green again;

But I miss the soft clasp of your hand,

And your breath warm on my cheek,

And I still keep list’ning for the words

You never more will speak…

On a bright May mornin’ long ago,

When first you were my bride;

The corn was springin’ fresh and green,

And the lark sang loud and high —

And the red was on your lip, Mary,

And the love-light in your eye.

The place is little changed, Mary,

The day is bright as then,

The lark’s loud song is in my ear,

And the corn is green again;

But I miss the soft clasp of your hand,

And your breath warm on my cheek,

And I still keep list’ning for the words

You never more will speak…
(from here.)


Michael Lowry has so far been the focus of media attention about Fine Gael fundraising.

But the party’s current leader, Enda Kenny (pictured), hosted a £1,000-a-plate dinner two days before the second mobile phone licence was awarded. And other guests say that one of the bidders for that licence was in attendance.

By Mairead Carey.

From ‘Magill’ magazine, January 2003.

In the early 1990’s, Fine Gael was on the verge of bankruptcy but, by the time it came to power in 1994, its financial position “had much improved and was manageable”, according to John Bruton.

In response to questions raised by Vincent Browne about the party’s remarkable financial recovery, he wrote – “When Fine Gael unexpectedly entered government in December of that year, I advised ministers to be scrupulously fair and proper in their dealings as ministers. I asked them to protect themselves and their office from anything that could be open to misrepresentation or suspicion.

In fact, I think I actually said something like “Do not ever do anything that you would not want to see on the front page of ‘The Irish Times’ “.

Bruton told ‘Magill’ that he could not recall the function in the Conrad Hotel and would therefore not comment on whether it was appropriate to have competitors for government projects at such an event. He also said that the name ‘Mike Smith’ meant nothing to him…


Thanks for the visit, and for reading,

Sharon and the team.

We won’t be here next Wednesday, 29th March 2023 ; we’re off again to Galway, this time for two weeks, but this time it’s just meself and the Girl Gang – no children, no grandchildren, no neighbours, no work colleagues, no set routine etc, just the five of us, free to do as we want.

Imagine the havoc that we’re gonna cause…!

We’ll be back in April, but can’t yet say on what date ; we have an open-ended arrangement with the local Garda Barracks … eh… hotel that we’re staying in so as we can extend our stay if we want to.

‘Cause when the five of us get a taste of freedom, there’s no stoppin’ us…!

See yis all in April – slán anois!

Posted in History/Politics. | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment



…with a six-parter, including a piece on an explanation issued by the IRA over forty years ago as to why it had carried out a particular operation abroad in which a British “decorated war hero” was targeted.

That operation ‘stung’ the military and political ‘Establishments’ in this country and in Britain, and in the country in which it happened, and reminded the world that ‘Ireland unfree would never be at peace’.

We’ll have a few paragraphs on an Irishman who built a political career for himself ‘in the service of the crown’ but came back to earth when he came up against a horse who wouldn’t play ball with him, and we quote from a ‘Secret’ memo compiled on the man by Free State operatives in the early 1970’s.

In one of our other four pieces we’ll be looking at how the Irish, among others, took crude advantage of fellow Irishmen and women, in the mid-19th century, who were attempting to make a new life for themselves in America – nothing to be proud of, but a warning, perhaps, for those being forced to emigrate from this corrupt State today…

Check back with us on Wednesday, 22nd March 2023, if ya can – meanwhile, you can keep up with my ramblings on Twitter and Facebook as well!

Thanks for reading – see ya on the 22nd!


Posted in History/Politics. | Leave a comment



On the 9th March, 1907, a play entitled ‘The Rising of the Moon’, by Isabella Augusta Persse Gregory (‘Lady Gregory’, pictured) premiered in Dublin in the Abbey Theatre, and was also produced by that venue.

The cast included W G Fay, J M Kerrigan, J A O’Rourke and Arthur Sinclair :

‘On a moonlit night at an Irish wharf by the sea, three Irish policemen in the service of the occupying English government pasted up wanted posters for a clever escaped political criminal. Convinced that the escaped rebel might creep to the water’s edge to be rescued by sea, they all hoped to capture him for the hundred-pound reward and perhaps even a promotion. The Sergeant sent his two younger assistants with the only lantern to post more leaflets around town while, uneasily, he kept watch at the water’s edge. A man in rags tried to slip past the Sergeant, explaining that he merely wanted to sell some songs to incoming sailors…’ (from here.)

The lady author was born in Roxborough House, near Loughrea in County Galway, and was schooled at home by a nanny, Mary Sheridan, who obviously passed-on her interest in Irish history to her pupil. At 28 years young, Isabella married ‘Sir’ William Henry Gregory, who ‘owned’ a large estate at Coole Park, near Gort, in County Galway, thus conveying on her the title ‘Lady’ : as a ‘Lady of Leisure’ who now found herself in the ‘Big House’ she availed of the large library and, when not reading, accompanied her husband on business trips throughout the world. Her education, the library and her foreign travels sparked within her a love of the written word and she quickly became a published author.

Her husband died when she was 41 years of age but she continued to live in ‘the Big House’, where her interest in all things Irish was nurtured, to the point that she practically converted the house into a ‘retreat’ for those who, like her, were smitten by Ireland and its troubled history – Edmund John Millington Synge, William Butler Yeats (and his brother, Jack, a well-known painter) , George Bernard Shaw (who described her as “the greatest living Irishwoman”) and Sean O’Casey were amongst those who visited regularly and, indeed, she was believed to have had romantic connections with the poet Wilfrid Blunt and a New York lawyer, John Quinn.

Despite her privileged lifestyle (or, indeed, perhaps due to it, as it afforded her the time to ‘look within her soul’) Isabella Augusta Persse Gregory, who had a regular ‘audience’ with the ‘Upper Class’ of the day, loudly declared to all and sundry that it was “..impossible to study Irish history without getting a dislike and distrust of England..”.

A ‘poacher-turned-gamekeeper’, if you like but, unusual in our history, one who ‘turned’ the right way.

She died in that ‘Big House’ on the 22nd May 1932, at 80 years of age, and is fondly remembered by those of us who share her convictions and agree with her “impossible to study…” declaration.

The academic Mary Catherine Gunning Colum said of her –

“With all her faults and snobbery, she was a great woman, a real leader, one of those who woke up Ireland from the somnolence and lassitude it was too prone to fall into. It is very doubtful that Yeats could have produced as much work as he did without her help. It is almost certain that, but for Lady Gregory, the Irish national theatre would have remained a dream, or ended in being that failure that so many hopeful undertakings in Ireland became.”

Isabella Augusta Persse Gregory : 15th March 1852 – 22nd May 1932.


From ‘The United Irishman’ newspaper, April 1955.

The one significant and important fact about the Yalta Agreeements which has not been mentioned by the American, English or Irish press is that these secret agreements were made without the knowledge or consent of the people concerned.

All three leaders concerned claimed to be champions of freedom and democracy ; Stalin represented a state claiming to be working for the acme of democratic freedom – the socialist state which would emerge from the transient communist dictatorship (according to Lenin).

Roosevelt represented the USA – a comparative new-comer to world politics, but claiming to be a practising democratic state – government of the people, by the people, for the people. Churchill, of course, represented England, the seat and centre of the British Empire and the home of the ‘mother of parliaments…’



On the 15th March 1895 – 128 years ago on this date – a lady named Bridget Cleary was done to death by her husband, Michael, who believed she was a ‘changeling’, left in the house by evil fairies –

‘Mary Kennedy bundled up to visit her ailing, 26-year-old niece, Bridget Cleary. It was a quick, half-mile walk over the bridge and up the hill to the Cleary’s cottage in Ballyvadlea of County Tipperary, Ireland. But as Kennedy approached the house that evening, she heard shouting and, when she opened the door, saw six men holding Bridget to her bed.

“Are you [Bridget] Boland, the wife of Michael Cleary, in the name of God?”, Michael yelled at his wife as five others, including three of Kennedy’s sons and Bridget’s own father, restrained her.

Michael held a saucepan filled with fresh milk and herbs, and was forcing his wife Bridget to swallow the bitter concoction. Again, he asked if she was his wife. She replied, in God’s name, that she was. But Michael was unconvinced. To him, the woman before him was not Bridget. She was an evil fairy, a changeling, that had taken his wife’s form. And within the next 24 hours, he would kill her…’

(From here.)

Bridget Cleary has been popularly described as ‘the last witch burned in Ireland’ ; the poor woman had been seriously ill with, it is thought, TB or pneumonia for a few days before her husband killed her, and that illness probably caused her mind and speech to ramble which, in turn, might have caused her husband Michael and his and her friends – bearing in mind the times that were in it and the superstitions that were rife in those days – to believe she had been taken by fairies and that a sickly changeling had been left in her place. God rest the poor woman.

And here we are, 128 years after that horrific event, and we’re still being troubled by ‘changelings’…


From ‘Magill’ Annual, 2002.

‘Wigmore’ has learned that the grand lefty tradition of nonsensical direct action is by no means dead.

It appears that some ‘members of the public’ were so outraged by Minister Cowen’s poor performance during Ireland’s tenure as the President of the UN Security Council that they are ready to – quite literally – take the law into their own hands.

At a recent anti-war meeting organised by a coalition of different interest groups, it transpired that some active members of the civil society are planning to contact their local garda stations and demand citizen’s arrests of Minister Cowen and of the Taoiseach for their role in committing war crimes in Afghanistan…



On the 15th March 1999 – 24 years ago on this date – human-rights lawyer Rosemary Nelson (pictured) was murdered by a pro-British paramilitary grouping in Ireland, the ‘Red Hand Defenders’, who had placed a bomb under her car.

Rosemary had become a political thorn in the side of Westminster, due to her work on behalf of those who had been wronged by the British political and military establishment in Ireland.

‘…a bomb had been attached to the underneath of her car, and detonated when she pressed the brakes as she reached the bottom of the road from her home as she drove to her office in Lurgan. On the night of her death, the ‘Red Hand Defenders’ claimed responsibility for the attack. However, it was suggested that such a group had neither the expertise nor resources to carry out such an attack on their own, and the opinion that the British security forces (sic) had been involved was echoed by many…’

(From here.)

Also, it should be remembered that Rosemary Nelson was harassed and threatened by the pro-British ‘RUC police force’ in this country shortly before similar elements murdered her.

RIP Rosemary.


1922, Ireland : political turmoil caused, firstly, by the British and, secondly, by their political and military proxies in the newly-minted-by-Westminster Free State ‘parliament’ and army/militia, was rife.

The IRA was due to discuss, in the Mansion House, in Dublin, the political and military situation in the country, at a meeting which had been organised in January 1922 and which was due to be held on the 26th March.

But, on the 15th March 1922 – 101 years ago on this date – the Staters ‘banned’ the meeting ; Richard Mulcahy, Eoin O’Duffy and Arthur Griffith, among others, ‘banned’ the Convention, because they knew that at least between 70 to 80 per cent of the IRA were against the ‘Treaty of Surrender’ and they hoped that, by ‘forbidding’ the meeting, they could prevent Irish republicans from organising against it.

The following day a ‘Proclamation’ was issued by the Staters stating that if any IRA Officer attended the convention he would be dismissed.

The Convention, which had been organised by ‘The Republican Military Council’ and signed-off on by over 50 senior officers including 4 GHQ staff, 5 divisional commanders and a number of brigade commandants, went ahead as planned ; the Staters took no action against the republicans in attendance, despite their previous innuendos to do so.

But it was a sign of things to come ; more details here.


On Wednesday, 15th March 1922 – 101 years ago on this date – at about 9.30pm, four masked and armed IRA men entered St Bride’s Home, a small private hospital at Ely Place, just off the Sea Road in Galway.

The man in charge there was a Dr. William A Sandys, who was a medical officer for the RIC.

The men made their way to, and entered, room 21, in which there were two men, one of whom was RIC Sergeant John Gilmartin (49) (from County Leitrim, he had joined the RIC in 1893), who was asked if he was a member of the RIC ; he replied that he was at one time, but not now. Having searched his bed and bag, he was told to say an Act of Contrition, to which he replied “Oh, God, sure you are not going to do this…?” The men then opened fire, killing him.

Dr. Sandys, two priests, some nurses and hospital staff were having supper in the dining room when they heard the shots and they rushed to room 21.

While they were examining Sergeant Gilmartin, they heard the sound of several more shots from another part of the building and four men were seen walking through the hall and out the door of the hospital. It was then discovered that the IRA men had also visited room 17, which was occupied by an RIC Sergeant named Tobias Gibbons (54) (from Devleash East, near Killawalla, in County Mayo – he had joined the RIC in 1902) and an RIC Constable named McGloin.

Mr. Gibbons was shot dead, and Mr. McGloin was seriously wounded.

Also on that same night (15th March 1922), an officer from the ‘Congested Districts Board’, a Mr. Patrick Cassidy, from County Mayo, was shot dead at the Galway Workhouse Hospital. Mr. Cassidy was in the hospital recovering from an earlier shooting.

It was later recorded in the ‘Bureau of Military History’ that RIC Sergreant John Gilmartin “…had a very bad record in the district. He protected the (British) Auxiliaries while they flogged a number of boys and disembowlled one of them with a bayonet in front of his mother. After the Truce he went into Galway Hospital for protection, but some men went into the hospital and shot him…”

People like that would have a hard time to find a hiding place.


Michael Lowry has so far been the focus of media attention about Fine Gael fundraising.

But the party’s current leader, Enda Kenny (pictured), hosted a £1,000-a-plate dinner two days before the second mobile phone licence was awarded. And other guests say that one of the bidders for that licence was in attendance.

By Mairead Carey.

From ‘Magill’ magazine, January 2003.

Fine Gael agreed with all donors prior to the 1997 Electoral Act being introduced that details of their donations would be kept confidential.

The party has only broken its silence on one occasion, when it made a statement on the controversial $50,000 donation it received from the Norwegian telecommunications company, Telenor, which was part of Denis O’Brien’s licence-winning Esat consortium.

The donation was made as a result of a fundraising dinner in New York in November 1995, which was also addressed by the then Taoiseach, John Bruton.

Esat declined to support the event directly but indicated that its partner, Telenor, would make a contribution by taking two corporate tables at a cost of $50,000 – this donation was made after the awarding of the licence…


“If the Treaty was accepted the fight for freedom would still go on ; and the Irish people, instead of fighting foreign soldiers, would have to fight the Irish soldiers of an Irish Government (sic) set up by Irishmen. If the Treaty was not rejected, perhaps it was over the bodies of the young men he saw around him that day that the fight for Irish freedom may be fought…”

“…if they accepted the Treaty, the Volunteers would have to wade through Irish blood, through the blood of the soldiers of the Irish Government (sic) and through, perhaps, the blood of some of the members of the Government in order to get Irish freedom…”

“…if we continue on that movement which was begun when the Volunteers were started, and we suppose this Treaty is ratified by your votes, then these men, in order to achieve freedom, will have to march over the dead bodies of their own brothers. They will have to wade through Irish blood. The people had never a right to do wrong…”

The above are samples of speeches delivered by Eamon de Valera in the Free State to various-sized crowds in the days after he had formed a new republican organisation, ‘Cumann na Poblachta’ (‘League of the Republic/Society of the Republic’), on the 15th March 1922 – 101 years ago on this date.

Fighting words, surely enough but, considering that they were uttered by a man who, four years after saying them (ie in 1926) established one of the most corrupt semi-political Free State mafias that still exist in this State today, they were only words ; he made a good living, financially, from 1926 until he died, by condemning “the fight for freedom” and executing those fighters.

‘Long before that, you had slept

in ditches and dug-outs,

prayed in terror at ambushes

with others who later debated

whether de Valera was lucky or brilliant

in getting the British to remember

that he was an American…’

(From here.)

Thanks for the visit, and for reading,

Sharon and the team.

Posted in History/Politics. | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment



On March 27th, 1872, a baby girl was born in London, was moved to County Cork and reared and educated there, at Queens College : that baby was Mary MacSwiney (pictured), who grew up to be an uncompromising republican and one of the most outstanding republican personalities of the 1920’s and 1930’s.

The young Mary MacSwiney trained as a teacher and returned to London for work until a suitable post was available in Dublin. A supporter of the suffragette movement, she joined the ‘Munster Womens Franchise League’ (MWFL) in 1908 and, during the following years, campaigned for the franchise to be extended to women.

She left the ‘MWFL’ in 1914 as a result of that organisations support for Britain in the first ‘World War’.

After its formation in April 1914, Mary MacSwiney joined Cumann na mBan and was later appointed to its Executive Committee ; at the same time, she was a member of a number of other nationalist organisations, including the Gaelic League.

After the 1916 Rising, she was arrested and imprisoned, and was dismissed from her teaching post ; after her release some months later, she founded a school, ‘St Ita’s’, modelled on Padraig Pearse’s school, St Enda’s. Her sister Eithne and her brother Terence were also involved in the setting-up of the school.

In 1917, Mary MacSwiney joined Sinn Féin, following the adoption by the party of a more republican separatist policy.

Following the death of her brother Terence, who died on hunger-strike in October 1920 (at the height of the Tan War) Mary MacSwiney visited America and gave evidence before the ‘American Commission on Conditions in Ireland’ regarding the campaign of terror being waged against all sections of the nationalist population by the British forces of occupation.

Elections to the Second Dáil were held in May 1921, and Mary MacSwiney was elected a TD for Cork ; in December that year she spoke in opposition to the Treaty of Surrender which she described as “the grossest act of betrayal that Ireland ever endured” and stated that if the Treaty was passed she would use her influence as a teacher to spread rebellion against the proposed Free State.

In the Civil War that followed, Mary MacSwiney was a formidable and unyielding opponent of the Free State and made no secret of her support for the republican side. She was imprisoned for a brief period in July 1922, following the surrender of the Four Courts garrison in Dublin.

Returning to Cork after her release, she virtually ran the republican headquarters in the city, but had to leave Cork in a hurry as the Free Staters were looking for her.

She was arrested in Dublin on November 4th that year (1922) and was imprisoned in Mountjoy Jail – she immediately went on hunger-strike for release and was eventually freed on the 25th day of her fast, due to the huge international publicity her case received.

She was elected to the Executive of Cumann na mBan in 1926 and, in October that same year, was also elected as Vice-President of Sinn Féin, at that organisations Ard Fheis, which was held six months after the split with de Valera.

Along with other prominent republicans, including Brian O’Higgins, she resigned from the party in 1934 over the decision of Sinn Féin to allow members to receive IRA pensions from the new Fianna Fail administration (there can be no doubt of how she would react to the salaries, offices, perks and holiday-homes that the PSF grouping are in receipt of, and not only from the Free State..)

Mary MacSwiney was one of the last surviving loyal members of the Second Dáil who transferred their authority to the Army Council of the IRA in December 1938, an authority which still resides in the Republican Movement.

She supported the IRA bombing campaign in England but poor health prevented her from playing her usual active part in the Movement.

Mary MacSwiney died on the 8th of March, 1942, at seventy years of age – 81 years ago, on this date – thirty-four years of which she devoted to socialism and republicanism.

The MacSwiney name will live on as part of the Irish struggle.


‘Lá Idirnáisiúnta na mBan (International Women’s Day) – the struggle continues ;

We salute all those women of Cumann na mBan who fought and died to end British rule in Ireland, and the establishment of a Socialist Republic based on the Proclamation of 1916.

Many women of Cumann na mBan were involved in the planning and execution of the 1916 Rising, providing support through intelligence gathering, fundraising, and providing safe houses for members of the rebellion. Women also served as couriers, carrying messages and weapons between rebel strongholds and providing medical aid to wounded fighters.

Sinn Féin Poblachtach remembers those women of Cumann na mBan as equal participants in the 1916 Rising, and their contributions are celebrated and commemorated alongside those of their male counterparts.

Cumann na mBan’s contribution to the revolutionary struggle was not confined to the Easter Rising 1916. The organisation played a very significant part in the War of Independence, rejected the Treaty of Surrender and played a heavy price for their activities in the Civil War. They have continued to the present day to be to the fore in the struggle for Irish freedom and in particular we remember those women who paid the supreme price during the war in the Occupied Six Counties in recent years.

We will continue to celebrate the social, economic, cultural, and political achievements of women, and to raise awareness of the ongoing struggle for gender equality and for complete Irish freedom.’

(Borrowed [and slightly edited!] from colleagues of ours in Armagh, Ireland.)


From ‘The United Irishman’ newspaper, April 1955.

Oration given by Tomas MacCurtain at the grave of Domhnall Mac Suibhne, Ahane, Cullen, County Cork, who was laid to rest on March 7th 1955 –

“In his name-call on the young men and women of this historic countryside to prove themselves worthy of this man who stood forth all the days of his life ; he was fearless, undaunted, uncompromising.

The day is at hand, and I promise you that it is nearer than any one of you here might think, when you will be called on to serve the Cause which Domhnall Mac Suibhne served so faithfully and so long. His voice is now silent and his pen is still, but from this grave his spirit will call to you to play your part as he played his in the struggle for the freedom of our country. When that day comes let ye not be found wanting.

Domhnall Mac Suibhne is dead, and perhaps it is only now when he is gone that those who lived around him will realise that something is gone which cannot be replaced.

Go dtugaidh Dia Solus na bFlaitheas dá anam uasal calma. Ar dhéis Dé go raibh sé.”

(END of ‘Tribute To Dead Republican’ ; NEXT – ‘The Yalta Agreements’, from the same source.)


In 1808, Trinity College in Dublin donated £100 towards the building of Nelsons Pillar, and Arthur Guinness and Sons gave £25. The total cost of the Pillar was £6856, 8 shillings and 3 pence (including the railings around it..) and it (and the railings!) were ‘part-removed’ on Tuesday, 8th March, 1966 – 57 years ago on this date – without ‘permission’ from Trinity College, Guinness, Leinster House or Westminster!

The structure was erected in the then Sackville Street (named after the then British ‘Lord’ Lieutenant of Ireland, Lionel Cranfield Sackville aka the ‘Duke of Dorset’) in 1808, in honour of British Admiral ‘Lord’ Nelson’s “victories at sea”.

The column was about 120 feet high and Nelson’s statue (designed by Cork sculptor Thomas Kirk) stood 13 feet tall on top of it. At about 1.30am on the morning of Tuesday, 8th March 1966, an explosion blew the top part of the column asunder and what was left of Nelson landed on the ground, as did hundreds of tons of (other!) rubble.

The IRA was suspected of involvement, but quickly distanced itself from the job, declaring that they were more interested in removing actual British imperialism from Ireland rather than just the symbols of it – the ‘Saor Éire’ group let it be known that its activists were responsible, that the codename for the operation was ‘Operation Humpty Dumpty’ and that, a day or two beforehand, they had left a device on site which failed to detonate and was retrieved, repaired and left back on Monday night, the 7th March 1966.

The front page of ‘The Irish Times’ newspaper on the 8th March 1966 read : ‘The top of Nelson Pillar, in O’Connell street, Dublin, was blown off by a tremendous explosion at 1.32 o’clock this morning and the Nelson statue and tons of rubble poured down into the roadway. By a miracle, nobody was injured, though there were a number of people in the area at the time…’, which could be said to be probably the first time that Nelson’s arrival in an area didn’t hurt anyone…

The two-headed, one-armed and one-eyed Nelson ‘…understood the need to annihilate the enemy…he led the fleet into harm’s way, picking out the enemy flagship as his target, leaving it a crippled hulk and the enemy fleet a leaderless mob…after that his followers could complete the task…no one ever argued that he was a paragon of matchless virtue (but) for 200 years his reputation has been besmirched with accusations of infidelity…yes, Nelson had his faults (his vanity, love of applause and vulnerability to flattery)…’ (from here) was given a headache by Irish republican Seán Ó Brádaigh, and others, in the 1950’s, when an attempt was made to melt the head of the statue and de Valera is said to have asked ‘The Irish Press’ newspaper to run with a front-page headline declaring ‘British Admiral Leaves Dublin By Air’ !

‘Grey brick upon brick

Declamatory bronze

On somber pedestals

O’Connell, Grattan, Moore

And the brewery tugs and the swans

On the balustraded stream

And the bare bones of a fanlight

Over a hungry door

And the air soft on the cheek

And porter running from the taps

With a head of yellow cream

And Nelson on his pillar

Watching his world collapse’
(from here.)


From ‘Magill’ Annual, 2002.

Secondly, with his faded good looks, financial problems, and uncertainty about the future, the man from Little Rock personifies the current post-Tiger Zeitgeist like no other could.

As Beckett once said – ‘When you’re up to your neck in shit, all you can do is sing’, and what better blustering tenor to hear emanating from the Park in a few years than that of Wild Bill? Harangued by unresolved court cases, heavily in debt, at the mercy of continually prying journalists and still smiling, his essential indomitable insouciance could be a lesson to us all in these times of coming hardship.

True, Bill’s side of the deal would bring him about the same level of real power as wielded by the average president of an American high school class, but a man of his wiles could easily use the country to establish a world-wide power base opposed to George Bush’s America, and few would be opposed to renaming the Presidential abode something a bit more fiesty, such as ‘Kandahar’.

In terms of our next President, ‘Wigmore’ suggests William Jefferson Clinton ; if he has taught us anything, it is that anything is possible if you can manage to bend the rules and just keep smiling.

(END of ‘William Jefferson Clinton’ ; NEXT – ‘Rough Justice’, from the same source.)


On Thursday, 8th March 1973 – 50 years ago on this date – at about 3pm, a 300lb IRA car bomb exploded outside the ‘Central Criminal Court of England and Wales’ (the ‘Old Bailey’, situated on a site once occupied by the old Newgate Prison). One man, Fred Milton, 60, who worked as a caretaker in a near-by office block, Hillgate House, had suffered a heart attack before the explosion, and the poor man died about two hours after same – and at least 215 people were injured.

Two other car bombs, which were apparently timed to explode at the same time, were defused, and it later emerged that New Scotland Yard, a British Army recruiting office in Westminster and a British government building in Whitehall were all targeted by that IRA ASU, for the same reason as the Old Bailey was – the common link was that all were representative of the British state, reminiscent of earlier such actions in England by Irish republicans – for instance, in the late 1930’s, installations such as electricity, water and transport infrastructure were targeted in London, Manchester and Birmingham, not to mention the Fenian dynamite campaign in Victorian Britain.

However ; back to the 1973 attack – the following is taken from ‘Iris Magazine’, August 1984 : ‘In March 1973, seven men and three women, including Marion and Dolours Price, had been charged in London with the Old Bailey and Whitehall bombings. After being sentenced to life imprisonment, the Price sisters embarked on a hunger-strike for repatriation. Their hunger-strike was to last 206 days, during which they were force-fed in horrific conditions.

In support of the Price sisters the women in Armagh Jail started having a token 24-hour hunger-strike every Friday. Those prisoners on remand would also use the opportunity of court appearances to make speeches from the dock about their comrades on hunger-strike.

The Price sisters were finally transferred to Armagh Jail on March 18th 1975 – their transfer had been announced much sooner and the Armagh women prisoners didn’t expect them on that day. As Teresa Holland put it – “We had been practising for weeks, with flags, uniforms, the lot, and they hadn’t come. And then suddenly there they were! So we got out the flags and the uniforms and had another parade just for them. They were lost, they couldn’t believe their eyes. Everybody felt brilliant and, for a full week, every time they went into someone’s cell, the girl in that cell would make them a big feed. It actually took them a long time to settle in, with all the fuss!”

And, unfortunately, that whole scenario could yet be repeated due to the fact that Westminster continues to claim political and military jurisdictional control over six Irish counties, and enforces that ‘claim’ regardless of the consequences involved.


Michael Lowry has so far been the focus of media attention about Fine Gael fundraising.

But the party’s current leader, Enda Kenny (pictured), hosted a £1,000-a-plate dinner two days before the second mobile phone licence was awarded. And other guests say that one of the bidders for that licence was in attendance.

By Mairead Carey.

From ‘Magill’ magazine, January 2003.

A number of bookmakers were also present at the Conrad fundraiser – Stewart Kenny represented Paddy Power, while the head of Ladbrokes gaming operations, Mike Smith, was also in attendance.

Ladbrokes owned the Hilton chain of hotels outside the US and was at that time searching for a site for the Dublin Hilton. “The size of the site depended on whether the group secured a casino licence for the hotel. We wanted to know the deal,” said a company source.

Enda Kenny told the Dail (sic) in January of that year that he had an open mind on whether legislation should be introduced to allow gaming in the country (sic), but there was widespread public opposition to such licences being granted and, in June 1996, the government decided not to introduce the necessary legislation.

The late Paddy Fitzpatrick, head of the Fitzpatrick chain of hotels, was also at the fundraiser. It is not known how many fundraisers were held by either the party or individual ministers during the two-and-a-half years in which Fine Gael was in power…


Thanks for the visit, and for reading,

Sharon and the team.

Posted in History/Politics. | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment



The 1981 hunger strike was the culmination of a five-year protest during this on-going struggle by Irish republican prisoners.

A ‘blanket protest’ began in 1976 when the British government withdrew ‘Special Category Status’ for political prisoners and, in 1978, after a number of attacks on prisoners leaving their cells to ‘slop out’, the protest escalated into the ‘dirty protest’, where prisoners refused to leave their cells to wash and covered the walls of their cells with excrement.

In 1980, seven prisoners participated in the first hunger strike, which ended after 53 days then, on Sunday, 1st March 1981 – 42 years ago on this date – (P)IRA POW Bobby Sands began his hunger strike.

He received widespread media attention for his protest and more so when, on the 9th April 1981, he was elected as an abstentionist member in a Leinster House (Free State ‘parliament’) election, after being nominated to contest the seat by Dáithí Ó Conaill, the then vice president of the then Sinn Féin organisation.

Bobby Sands was, as far as Irish republicans are concerned, a ‘Teachta Dála’ (TD) who was elected to take a seat in a 32-county Irish parliament, unlike the Free State representatives who sit in an institution in Kildare Street in Dublin today and claim to be ‘TD’s in the Irish parliament’ and, indeed, Bobby’s motives and those of Dáithí and the other then Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle members who nominated him to contest the election were pure, unlike the motives of the self-serving time-keepers who sit in that Kildare Street premises today : the motives of the former involved a principled unwillingness to allow themselves and the struggle they were part of to be criminalised and to highlight to the world that they were fighting a political struggle against Westminster and its allies in this country.

Bobby Sands was sentenced to 14 years imprisonment for his alleged part in a fire-bombing campaign which, as part of an economic war against the British presence in Ireland, targeted business premises (in this instance, the Balmoral Furniture Company) with the intention of making it financially unviable for Britain to maintain its grip on that part of Ireland, a fact which present-day Provisional Sinn Féin and other Leinster House members seek to ignore or gloss over when referencing what they call ‘the ineffectual/grubby deeds’ of those who continue that struggle today.

On the 9th April, 1981, Bobby Sands was elected by 30,492 of those that voted in the Fermanagh/South Tyrone district, prompting, years later, this thesis from a republican leader –

“Contrary to allegations made in the news media, there was not a straight line from the election of Bobby Sands in 1981 to the Stormont Agreement of 1998. Rather was the line from March, April and May 1981 to the same months in 1998 disfigured and distorted by an internal power-struggle for the leadership of Sinn Féin accompanied and followed by deceit and artifice as the ideals of Bobby Sands were steadily perverted and a section of the then powerful revolutionary Republican Movement turned into a constitutional party..” (from here).

Bobby Sands, 9th March 1954 – 5th May 1981. RIP.


From ‘The United Irishman’ newspaper, April 1955.

Oration given by Tomas MacCurtain at the grave of Domhnall Mac Suibhne, Ahane, Cullen, County Cork, who was laid to rest on March 7th 1955 –

“Never in the thirty-odd years that have passed has the voice or pen of Domhnall Mac Suibhne been still when a wrong was to be condemned or a right to be upheld.

All through those bitter years when he saw old friends and comrades turning away from him because he was too honourable to bow the knee to political expediency he remained true to the old cause and preached the old doctrine.

It is sad to think that, having endured the long years of political cynicism, he should die when the tide is about to turn and that he should not be here to witness in the near future the miracle of which Pearse spoke over the grave of another courageous and noble soul –

“That miracle which ripens in the heart of young men the seeds sown by the young men of a former generation.”

I do not think it unfitting that, standing at his grave, I should say the words which he would say if he were alive…”



An article entitled ‘Starvation Fever of 1847’ was published in the ‘Dublin Medical Press’ periodical on this date – 1st March – 175 years ago (1848). The author was a Dr. Daniel Donovan, Skibbereen, Cork, and that article helped to focus world attention on the attempted genocide (‘An Gorta Mór/The Great Hunger’) that was obliterating the Irish people at that time –

‘Dr. Donovan…emerges as one of the most heroic figures of An Gorta Mór…a bold and successful surgeon, an oculist and a general practitioner, a talented and prolific author and a champion of the oppressed and destitute Irish people..(he) was unambitious and unselfish and chose to remain in Skibbereen where patients came to consult him not only from other parts of Ireland but from England and Scotland, some even taking the long Atlantic crossing from America..’

In the article, Dr. Donovan wrote – “Although the fever which committed such frightful ravages during the entire of 1847 has in a great degree subsided, yet we cannot, I fear, hope that the enemy is altogether subdued, more particularly as want and misery (to an extreme degree) are likely to be the lot of the majority of our population for the ensuing spring and summer ; and the privations of the poor, as regards food (and) clothes seemed last year to generate that epidemic which, like the rod of Aaron, has swallowed up the memory of its predecessors, and compared with which the pestilence of 1741 (proverbially known as the ‘year of slaughter’) scarcely deserves notice.

When the sanitary condition of London is attracting so much the attention of the legislature ; when commissions are daily held, and reports daily made, upon questions regarding the health of the metropolis ; when so much laudable indignation is expressed at having the sinks and cess-pools of St. Giles’s and the borough lead to the annual loss of a few thousand lives, from the exuberant population of the ‘great wen’, it is remarkable that so little notice has been directed to the subject of fever in Ireland, more particularly that of last year, which (independent of other diseases) has destroyed, at the lowest calculation, five hundred thousand human beings – swept off from among the better classes the most useful and benevolent members of society, and has created an amount of orphanage and widowhood that will for years press down the energies of the industrious.

The immense havoc of last year can be best estimated by comparing the mortality with that of 1741 and 1817, years that are chronicled among the melancholy eras of our unfortunate country…whilst starvation and squalor, the causes that engendered this plague, continue to prevail among the people of this country, it is absurd to think that fever will limit its ravages to the poor, or confine its visitation to Ireland.

Generated in the damp, dark cabins of the half-starved peasants, it will reach the mansions of the wealthy despite of stone walls, and iron gates, and sturdy janitors, and will spread to our more fortunate neighbours on the other side of the channel, in defiance of vagrancy acts and quarantine regulations ; and in vain will the sewerage of London be improved, and the cellars of Liverpool be rendered less pestilential, unless that the physical and social condition of the Irish people be raised ; for so long as their present abject misery continues, so long will the generation of wide-spreading epidemics be perpetuated…”

And this, too, from different witnesses of that time, deserves to be highlighted : “In Co. Armagh, 400 paupers have died in Lurgan workhouse in the past eight weeks…50 deaths in Kilkenny poorhouse last week, with 520 patients in the fever hospital…I met 50 skeletons of cows, scarcely able to move, driven to pound for the last May rent…in one house a corpse lies for the last four days ; no one could be got to enter it to relieve the dying, or remove the putrified victim…in Rosscarbery, Co Cork, a man decapitates two children while stealing food. In the same neighbourhood a woman is jailed for taking vegetables ; on being released she finds her children have died of starvation…there are nearly 1,000 prisoners in Cork county jail charged with larceny and sheep stealing, one tenth of whom have typhus fever…in Kilkenny, a 13 year old boy breaks three panes of glass in a shop window so as to be transported and taken “from his hardship”…the most doleful of all sights and sounds is to hear and see starving women and children attempting to sing for alms…in Ballaghaderreen, a child aged two dies of hunger in its mother’s arms during Mass…when a poor woman comes home to her children in Killeshan, Co Carlow, one of them, maddened by hunger, bites off part of her arm…in Donoughmore, Co Cork, Father Michael Lane writes in the baptismal register: “There died of the Famine from November 1846 to February 1847, over 1,400 of the people (almost a third of the population) and one priest, Dan Horgan…numbers remained unburied for over a fortnight, many were buried without a coffin…” (from here).

Oscar Wilde’s mother, Jane Elgee (aka ‘Speranza’, Jane Francesca Agnes, Lady Wilde, pictured), in her mid-20’s at the time, was moved to write the following :

Weary men, what reap ye?

Golden corn for the stranger.

What sow ye?

Human corpses that wait for the avenger.

Fainting forms, hunger-stricken, what see you in the offing?

Stately ships to bear our food away, amid the stranger’s scoffing.

They guard our masters’ granaries from the thin hands of the poor.

Pale mothers, wherefore weeping?

Would to God that we were dead.

Our children swoon before us, and we cannot give them bread …we are wretches, famished, scorned, human tools to build your pride,

But God will yet take vengeance for the souls for whom Christ died.

Now is your hour of pleasure

bask ye in the world’s caress;

But our whitening bones against ye will rise as witnesses,

From the cabins and the ditches, in their charred, uncoffin’d masses,

For the Angel of the Trumpet will know them as he passes.

A ghastly, spectral army, before the great God we’ll stand,

And arraign ye as our murderers, the spoilers of our land.

That good woman sums-up the despair and anger felt then, and still felt to this day.

As it should be.


From ‘Magill’ Annual, 2002.

The solution?

Why, elect him President of Ireland.

‘Wigmore’ senses your reaction and begs you to persist as the argument unfolds.

Firstly, niggling constitutional issues regarding our favourite President’s right to a nomination could be swept aside by a referendum of the type we as a nation (sic) seem somewhat addicted to ; in the clause which demands that the President be a citizen of the republic of Ireland (sic) we need only insert the caveat ‘unless the President’s name is William Jefferson Clinton’. That motion would be passed with record approval.

We could, while we are at it, make him exempt from any other Irish laws which he might deem unsavoury or unwarranted so that he might enjoy a smoother presidential ride on this side of the Atlantic than he has done heretofore…



“We didn’t sleep..” – the reply given by Tory politician Edwina Currie to a ‘Twitter’ user who stated she had slept with John Major. In the same year that she had put all her eggs in one basket, she was named as runner-up to Margaret Thatcher in BBC Radio 4’s ‘Women of the Year’ poll but it is for her snide remark about the Irish that she is best remembered for here : she was quoted in ‘The Sun’ newspaper on the 1st March 1997 – 26 years ago on this date – giving her views on Irish people – “They’re so intelligent, the Irish. Give them an education and they can do anything. I remember the first time I met an Irish accountant. I laughed because I couldn’t believe it : an Irish accountant…!”

Oh but we’re good with figures, Edwina : 1+1+6+9 = 854 and 26+6 = 1.

And you can count on that.


Pictured – Roger Casement’s body being re-interred (on Monday, 1st March 1965 – 58 years ago on this date) in the Republican Plot in Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin, having been released by the British from Pentonville Prison in Islington, North London.

He was born on the 1st September, 1864, in Sandycove, County Dublin, the son of Captain Roger Casement of the 3rd Dragoon Guards of the British Army and Anne Jephson from Mallow, County Cork. His mother had him secretly baptised in her own religion, Roman Catholic, but he was raised in the Protestant faith of his father. As both his parents died young, Roger was taken in by an uncle, near Ballycastle, County Antrim, and educated as a boarder at the diocesan school in Ballymena.

From 1895 onwards he held consular appointments at various locations in Africa, including Boma in the Congo (1904) where, for the British Foreign Office, he investigated Belgian human rights abuses of the indigenous people. Later, in Peru, he was commissioned to undertake a report on the reported abuse of workers in the rubber industry in the Putumayo basin, which earned him a knighthood after his findings were published as a parliamentary paper (1911). He had been a member of the Gaelic League and became increasingly radicalised by the opposition of the Ulster unionists to Home Rule from 1912 onwards and wrote nationalist articles under the pseudonym ‘Seán Bhean Bhocht’.

He rarely receives a mention when it comes to the writers and poets of 1916 (“Of unmatched skill to lead by pathways rife/With danger and dark doubt, where slander’s knife/Gleamed ever bare to wound, yet over all/He pressed triumphant on-lo, thus to fall” – ‘Parnell’, by Roger Casement) yet his reports from the Putumayo and from the Congo show a writer of great talent.

His descriptions of the horrendous brutality inflicted on innocent and perfectly peaceful native inhabitants was enough to force a change of policy with regard to the treatment of workers and slaves on the rubber plantations. Casement wrote in 1911 that “..the robbery of Ireland since the Union has been so colossal, carried out on such a scale, that if the true account current between the two countries were ever submitted to any impartial tribunal, England would be clapped in jail..”.

For his part in trying to stop that robbery he was convicted of treason by the British and sentenced to death after a three-day ‘trial’ (held at the Old Bailey in London between the 26th and the 29th of June 1916, where he was prosecuted by ‘Sir’ Edward Carson, the Orange Order bigot).

His speech from the dock is not as appreciated as it should be – “With all respect I assert this Court is to me, an Irishman, not a jury of my peers to try me in this vital issue for it is patent to every man of conscience that I have a right, an indefeasible right, if tried at all, under this Statute of high treason, to be tried in Ireland, before an Irish Court and by an Irish jury. This Court, this jury, the public opinion of this country, England, cannot but be prejudiced in varying degree against me, most of all in time of war.

I did not land in England ; I landed in Ireland. It was to Ireland I came; to Ireland I wanted to come; and the last place I desired to land in was England. But for the Attorney General of England there is only “England”— there is no Ireland, there is only the law of England — no right of Ireland; the liberty of Ireland and of the Irish is to be judged by the power of England. Yet for me, the Irish outlaw, there is a land of Ireland, a right of Ireland, and a charter for all Irishmen to appeal to, in the last resort, a charter that even the very statutes of England itself cannot deprive us of — nay, more, a charter that Englishmen themselves assert as the fundamental bond of law that connects the two kingdoms..” (…more here).

I say that Roger Casement

did what he had to do.

He died upon the gallows,

but that is nothing new.

Afraid they might be beaten

before the bench of Time,

they turned a trick by forgery

and blackened his good name.

A perjurer stood ready

to prove their forgery true ;

they gave it out to all the world,

and that is something new.

For Spring Rice had to whisper it,

being their Ambassador,

and then the speakers got it

and writers by the score.

Come Tom and Dick, come all the troop

that cried it far and wide,

come from the forger and his desk,

desert the perjurer’s side.

Come speak your bit in public

that some amends be made

to this most gallant gentleman

that is in quicklime laid.
(From here.)

Roger Casement was sentenced to “death by rope” on the 29th June 1916 and was executed by the British on the 3rd of August that year in London, England. On the 1st March 1965 – 58 years ago on this date – his remains were re-interred in the Republican Plot of Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin.


Michael Lowry has so far been the focus of media attention about Fine Gael fundraising.

But the party’s current leader, Enda Kenny (pictured), hosted a £1,000-a-plate dinner two days before the second mobile phone licence was awarded. And other guests say that one of the bidders for that licence was in attendance.

By Mairead Carey.

From ‘Magill’ magazine, January 2003.

“Obviously, the people going to such an event aren’t going for the meal…” Michael Keating added, “..there would have been no promises made, but at least they feel afterwards that they have a nodding acquaintance with the guy.”

A few days before he was to announce the winners of the ‘National Conference Centre’ bid, Enda Kenny controversially aborted the competition and entered negotiations with the ‘Royal Dublin Society’ (RDS) to build the centre – even though the RDS had been one of the competitors!

The ‘Carlton Consortium’ complained to the European Commission about his handling of the affair, and when Fianna Fáil returned to power, (State) Tourism Minister Jim McDaid set up another competition which was eventually won by ‘Treasury Holdings’.

But that version of the project also floundered and to this day the centre has not been built…



…and we’re back from our holliers, as you probably already noticed!

All 34 of us – actually, 38 of us left Dublin on the 13th February but a couple and their two children decided to stay on for another few days, during which time they’ll (probably!) drive around offering apologises and begging for forgiveness on our behalf…!

We didn’t completely wreck any of the places we visited but, as we tried to explain to the cops and the various judges we encountered (!), we were a group of Dubs free from the normal constraints of work, house, children, grandchildren and all other responsibilities and…well…eh….Sergeant/Yer Honour, we maybe occasionally lost the run of ourselves…!

Ah no. Only jokin’…


And myself and the rest of the Girl Gang will be losing the run of ourselves again later on this month ’cause we’re going back ; in between our childminding duties and the feeding times (!) we had the craic and have made arrangements to do it again, especially so considering that we won’t be getting to New York this year, mostly because of ‘Covid Passports’, which we haven’t got, but also due to the crappy exchange rate. So, yeah, readers – we’ll be taking another short break later on, but don’t fret, pet – sure we’ll give ya at least a week’s notice!

Thanks for the visit, and for reading,

Sharon and the team.

See yis all next Wednesday, 8th March, 2023.

Posted in History/Politics. | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment


…Well – back in Dublin from our escapades in Galway (…more about that later!), but not back posting the blog just yet.

As promised before our break, we’ll be back here on Wednesday, the 1st March 2023, with a seven-part post (eight, actually, if you include our holiday report!) in which we’ll be writing a few details on an Irish political hunger-striker, an ex-American President running for the position of State President here (!), a few paragraphs about a Leinster House-initiated ‘raffle’ for a ‘government contract’ that was pulled (fixed?) at practically the last minute and a heart-breaking Irish story from 1848.

We’ll be writing about a few other topics as well, but yis will have to check back with us on the 1st March to see what they are.

But for now, I’ve bags and baggages to unpack, the younger children have to be rounded-up, counted, and searched (!) and there’s loads of apologises to email to Galwegians, who are still recovering from the mad crowd of Dubs that “gave us nothin’ but grief, boy..”!

You can catch me on ‘Facebook’ and ‘Twitter’ between this and then, if yer gonna miss me that much. But I’m sure your aim will get better…!

Thanks for dropping by – see ya on the 1st March 2023.

Sharon (and the team!).

Posted in History/Politics. | Leave a comment



‘A Jury in Abbeville, Louisiana, in the United States, yesterday (ie Friday, 7th February 1986) awarded one million dollars in damages to an eleven-year old boy, who was molested by a priest, Father Gilbert Gauthe (pictured) now in jail for sexually abusing three dozen alter boys.

The boy’s parents, Glenn and Faye Gastal, refused ‘out of court’ settlements and sought twelve million dollars in their lawsuit against the Catholic Church because, they said, it harboured the priest even after learning that he was a child molester. The predominantly Catholic jury also awarded the boy’s parents 250,000 dollars. The abuse started when the boy was seven years of age.

Father Gilbert Gauthe was sentenced to twenty years in prison last October (ie October 1985) after admitting he molested the children at Saint John Parish Church in the community of Esther. The Lafayette Diocese has settled lawsuits with thirteen families against Father Gilbert Gauthe for a reported five-and-a-half million dollars, with not one of those thirteen cases going to trial…’ (from ‘The Evening Press’ newspaper, 8th February 1986 ; thirty-seven years ago on this date.)

These are the same self-righteous hypocrites that, at the drop of a Bishop’s hat, will – and have – condemned Irish men and women for challenging and seeking to change the political and social system in Ireland. A corrupt system which nurtures a corrupt Church.


From ‘The United Irishman’ newspaper, April 1955.

Oration given by Tomas MacCurtain at the grave of Domhnall Mac Suibhne, Ahane, Cullen, County Cork, who was laid to rest on March 7th 1955 –

“Therefore it fell to my lot, one of the younger generation who did not know him so intimately, to say what has to be said before we leave him to rest with his people.

Domhnall Mac Suibhne saw many changes in his life. In his youth he saw his country overshadowed and his people cowed by foreign domination and must have remembered when Irishmen scarcely dared to walk upright in their own land and had to touch the cap of submission to the foreign so-called ‘gentry’.

He saw the beginning of the re-awakening and took part in the work of the Gaelic revival that gave our people once more a pride in their ancestry and in their heritage.

He took part in the revival of the movement for national independence and saw that movement coming to the glorious peak of resurgence when the whole might of the greatest Empire of the world could not cow the spirit of one small nation, and then he saw the peak and the decline from the height of resurgence to the grovelling depth of place-hunting and political jobbery…”



On the 8th February 1847, the then 72-year-old ‘Liberator’, Daniel O’Connell (pictured) delivered his last speech in the British ‘House of Commons’ : his words were in connection with the so-called ‘Irish famine’ (‘An Gorta Mór’) and, in it, he stated –

“Ireland is in your hands and in your power. If you do not save her, she cannot save herself. And I solemnly call on you to bear in mind what I am telling you now in advance, something of which I am absolutely certain, that one out of every four of her people will soon die unless you come to her aid…”

The use of the term ‘famine’, in this instance, is a misnomer if ever there was one – ‘In the early summer of 1845, on the 11th September of that year, a disease referred to as blight was noted to have attacked the crop in some areas. In that year, one third of the entire crop was destroyed. In 1846, the crop was a total failure. This report came from a Galway priest – “As to the potatoes, they are gone – clean gone. If travelling by night, you would know when a potato field was near by the smell. The fields present a space of withered black stalks…”

Though 1847 was free from blight, few seed potatoes had been planted…yet the country was producing plenty of food. As the Irish politician, Charles Duffy wrote: “Ships continue to leave the country, loaded with grain and meat.” As food was scarce people would eat anything such as nettles, berries, roots, wildlife, animals, dogs and cats in order to survive…’ (from here.)

O’Connell pleaded with Westminster to save the people of Ireland who were being decimated by sickness and disease, caused by a lack of nourishment, and requested that, instead of building roads and other such infrastructure, the money available for same should be used to encourage the Irish to cultivate the soil to plant oats and barley etc, and a ‘compromise’ (of sorts) was arrived at – cheap Indian corn was brought into Ireland, for the people, sometimes on the same ships that, when unloaded, would then be loaded again with Irish-produced oats and barley – ‘cash crops’, according to the landlords, for export, not for home consumption!

The imported ‘corn’ was considered by the Irish to be a type of animal feed, the grain of which was so tough as to cause great pain and, even at that, the amount of it imported was inadequate for the number of people in need.

Daniel O’Connell died, age 72, in Genoa, Italy, 13 weeks after his 8th February speech and, as he requested, his heart was buried in Rome and the remainder of his body was buried in Glasnevin, Dublin. Father Ventura of the Theatine Order delivered the oration, during which he stated –

“My body to Ireland – my heart to Rome – my soul to heaven : what bequests, what legacies, are these! What can be imagined at the same time more sublime and more pious than such a testament as this! Ireland is his country – Rome is the church – heaven is God. God, the Church and his country – or, in other words, the glory of God, the liberty of the Church, the happiness of his country are the great ends of all his actions – such the noble objects, the only objects of his charity! He loves his country and therefore he leaves to it his body; he loves still more the Church and hence he bequeaths to it his heart ; and still more he loves God, and therefore confides to Him his soul! Let us profit then, of this great lesson afforded by a man so great – a man who has done such good service to the Church, to his country, and to humanity…”

It was on this date – 8th February – 176 years ago, that Daniel O’Connell delivered his last speech in the British ‘House of Commons’.


From ‘Magill’ Annual, 2002.

Had the electoral rules entitled him to run again for the White House in 2000, few are in any doubt that Bill Clinton would be at this present moment in time relaxing in the Oval Office, toying with a fat Cuban and possibly smoking a cigar (!).

Alas, things have been on a slide for the teflon president ever since he swapped the White House for a modest office in Harlem (the rent being prohibitive in downtown Manhattan) where he hopes to eke out a career as a lawyer, public speaker and an international nuisance to the Bush administration.

Whereas the only decent thing for a US President to do upon leaving office is die, thus saving the taxpayer money on Secret Service wages and Presidential pensions, Clinton would appear to have a few hand-shaking, wistful decades in him yet ; not an alluring prospect for an operator weaned on the lust for power…



Michael Lowry has so far been the focus of media attention about Fine Gael fundraising.

But the party’s current leader, Enda Kenny (pictured), hosted a £1,000-a-plate dinner two days before the second mobile phone licence was awarded. And other guests say that one of the bidders for that licence was in attendance.

By Mairead Carey.

From ‘Magill’ magazine, January 2003.

In August 2000, Michael Keating was named as a ‘partner in crime’ in Britain’s largest ever tax scam and now faces arrest if he crosses the Irish Sea ; earlier this year, this former Lord Mayor of Dublin paid €250,000 to the ‘Criminal Assets Bureau’ who had been investigating him for five years.

Michael Keating says he cannot recall the fundraiser for Enda Kenny’s re-election bid. He told ‘Magill’ that he attended hundreds of Fine Gael functions at that time and found them “a pain”, but he does recall the consortium bidding for the ‘National Conference Centre’ contract – “Over the years I would have assisted anyone who asked me to obtain legitimate access to any politician, provided the request was proper,” he told ‘Magill’.

“Fundraising has been the stock-in-trade of political parties since the beginning of time. The culture of politics in this country (sic) is that funds are raised voluntarily and that leaves people open to suspicion and innuendo…”


Thanks for the visit, and for reading,

Sharon and the team.

We won’t be here on Wednesday, 15th February 2023, or on Wednesday 22nd February, as we’re off to Galway for a ten-day excursion – not a break, or a holiday, as there’s two mini-busses full of us (!), adults and children and grandchildren – and we’ll be leaving Dublin on Monday, 13th. We have family in the West and it’s a big birthday for two of them, one on the 15th and one on the 20th, so instead of going for the first gig and then coming back to Dublin and then heading to Galway again a few days later, we decided to stay and give ‘Cathair na dTreabh’ (the ‘City of Tribes’) a taste of what about thirty mad Dubs get up to when they’re being irresponsible!

We’ll be back on Wednesday, 1st March 2023 with, among other pieces, a few paragraphs about a currie and an accountant (!) and a visit to these shores which helped focus world attention on an attempted genocide of the Irish people.

Thanks again –

See ye all on the 1st March ; we should have escaped from Galway by then and, in the meantime – if I can get my phone out of the evidence locker (!) – you can catch me on ‘Facebook’ and ‘Twitter’ between this and then, if yer gonna miss me that much!

Posted in History/Politics. | Tagged , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment



On the 1st February 1878 – 145 years ago on this date – a child, Thomas, was born in Cloughjordan in Tipperary, into a household which would consist of four sons and two daughters – the parents, Joseph and Mary (Louise Parker) MacDonagh, were both employed as teachers in a near-by school. He went to Rockwell College in Cashel, Tipperary, where he entertained the idea of training for the priesthood but, at 23 years of age, decided instead to follow in his parents footsteps and trained to be a teacher.

He obtained employment at St Kieran’s College in Kilkenny and, while working there, advanced his interest in Irish culture by joining the local ‘Gaelic League’ group and was quickly elected to a leadership role with same – ‘..by 1905 he had left the League and moved on to teach at St Colman’s College, Fermoy, where he also established himself as a published poet. Three years later he moved to a new position, as resident assistant headmaster at St Enda’s, Patrick Pearse’s school then based in Ranelagh. In 1911, after completing his BA and MA at UCD, he was appointed lecturer in English at the same institution. In 1912 he married Muriel Gifford, sister of Grace, who would later marry Joseph Plunkett in Kilmainham Gaol.

In the years prior to the Rising MacDonagh became active in Irish literary circles and was a co-founder of the Irish Review and, with Plunkett, of the Irish Theatre on Hardwicke Street. MacDonagh was a witness to Bloody Sunday in 1913 and this event appears to have radicalised him so that he moved away from the circles of the literary revival and embraced political activism. He joined the Irish Volunteers in December 1913 and was appointed to the body’s governing committee.

In 1914 he rejected John Redmond’s appeal for the Volunteers to join the fight in the First World War. On 9 September 1914 he attended the secret meeting that agreed to plan for an armed insurrection against British rule. By March 1915 he had been sworn into the ranks of the Irish Republican Brotherhood and was also serving on the central executive of the Irish Volunteers, was director of training for the Volunteers and commandant of the 2nd Battalion of the Dublin Brigade…’ (more here.)

At the age of 38, he joined his comrades in challenging a then world power, England, over the injustices which that ‘world leader’ was inflicting in Ireland and, with six of his comrades, he signed a proclamation in 1916 declaring the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, free of any external political or military interference. He was found guilty by a British court martial that followed the 1916 Rising, and was sentenced to death.

He was executed by firing squad on the 3rd May 1916 on the same day as Pearse and Tom Clarke. His friend and fellow poet Francis Ledwidge wrote a poem in his honour after his death (Ledwidge, the ‘Poet of the Blackbirds’, fought for the British in the ‘First World War’ and was injured in 1916 – he was recovering from his wounds in hospital when news reached him of the Rising and he let it be known that he felt betrayed by Westminster over its interference in Ireland)

Lament for Thomas MacDonagh.

He shall not hear the bittern cry

In the wild sky where he is lain

Nor voices of the sweeter birds

Above the wailing of the rain.

Nor shall he know when loud March blows

Thro’ slanting snows her fanfare shrill

Blowing to flame the golden cup

Of many an upset daffodil.

And when the dark cow leaves the moor

And pastures poor with greedy weeds

Perhaps he’ll hear her low at morn

Lifting her horn in pleasant meads.

In his address to the court martial, Thomas MacDonagh said : “Gentlemen of the court martial, I choose to think you have done your duty according to your lights in sentencing me to death. I thank you for your courtesy. It would not be seemly for me to go to my doom without trying to express, however inadequately, my sense of the high honour I enjoy in being one of those predestined to die in this generation for the cause of Irish freedom. You will, perhaps, understand this sentiment, for it is one to which an Imperial poet of a bygone age bore immortal testimony : “Tis sweet and glorious to die for one’s country.”

You would all be proud to die for Britain, your Imperial patron, and I am proud and happy to die for Ireland, my glorious fatherland…there is not much left to say. The Proclamation of the Irish Republic has been adduced in evidence against me as one of the signatories. I adhere to every statement in that proclamation. You think it already a dead and buried letter – but it lives, it lives! From minds alive with Ireland’s vivid intellect it sprang, in hearts alive with Ireland’s mighty love it was conceived. Such documents do not die.

The British occupation of Ireland has never for more than one hundred years been compelled to confront in the field of flight a rising so formidable as that which overwhelming forces have for the moment succeeded in quelling. This rising did not result from accidental circumstances. It came in due recurrent reasons as the necessary outcome of forces that are ever at work. The fierce pulsation of resurgent pride that disclaims servitude may one day cease to throb in the heart of Ireland — but the heart of Ireland will that day be dead. While Ireland lives, the brains and brawn of her manhood will strive to destroy the last vestige of foreign rule in her territory.

In this ceaseless struggle there will be, as there must be, an alternate ebb and flow. But let England make no mistake. The generous high-bred youth of Ireland will never fail to answer the call we pass on to them, will never full to blaze forth in the red rage of war to win their country’s freedom. Other and tamer methods they will leave to other and tamer men ; but for themselves they must do or die. It will be said our movement was doomed to failure. It has proved so. Yet it might have been otherwise.

There is always a chance of success for brave men who challenge fortune. That we had such a chance, none know so well as your statesmen and military experts. The mass of the people of Ireland will doubtless lull their consciences to sleep for another generation by the exploded fable that Ireland cannot successfully fight England. We do not propose to represent the mass of the people of Ireland. We stand for the intellect and for immortal soul of Ireland. To Ireland’s soul and intellect, the inert mass drugged and degenerated by ages of servitude must in the destined day of resurrection render homage and free service receiving in turn the vivifying impress of a free people. Gentlemen, you have sentenced me to death, and I accept your sentence with joy and pride since it is for Ireland I am to die.

I go to join the goodly company of men who died for Ireland, the least of whom is worthier far than I can claim to be, and that noble band are themselves but a small section of the great, unnumbered company of martyrs, whose Captain is the Christ who died on Calvary. Of every white robed knight of all that goodly company we are the spiritual kin. The forms of heroes flit before my vision, and there is one, the star of whose destiny chimes harmoniously with the swan song of my soul. It is the great Florentine, whose weapon was not the sword, but prayer and preaching ; the seed he sowed fructifies to this day in God’s Church. Take me away, and let my blood bedew the sacred soil of Ireland. I die in the certainty that once more the seed will fructify.”

Thomas MacDonagh – born 1878, executed by Westminster 1916.


From ‘The United Irishman’ newspaper, April 1955.

Oration given by Tomas MacCurtain at the grave of Domhnall Mac Suibhne, Ahane, Cullen, County Cork, who was laid to rest on March 7th 1955 –

“I have been asked, before we leave this graveyard, to say a few words over the grave of the old comrade whom we have buried today.

Domhnall Mac Suibhne was a man who did not, maybe, enjoy the popularity among the people around him which his talents and virtures deserved. He was so honest, so determined and so straight in his attitude to all the questions of principle which arise from day to day and he set for himself and maintained such a high standard in his own life, that the small-minded people in the political life of today could not bear to have his honesty and straight-forwardness receive its proper due, because his whole life was a reproach to those who deserted the principles which he preached and practiced, and went in pursuit of financial and social gains in the political life of today.

There are many who knew him in his youth and in the course of his life who could speak far better than I on the qualities of the man who lies here, but today they are silent because, if they speak, their praises of this fearless soul would sound very empty in the face of their own actions…”



On the 1st February 1923, the IRA burned down what they obviously perceived to be a symbol of ‘British landlordism’ in County Mayo – ‘Moore Hall’, which was at the time associated with a Free State ‘Senator’, Colonel Maurice Moore.

By all accounts, Maurice Moore himself was a ‘mixed bag’, politically speaking, and the Moore clan themselves had the reputation as ‘not the worst’ to deal with : a family member from ‘the old days’, John, fought alongside the ‘United Irishmen’ in 1798 and was captured by the British and sentenced, by ‘Lord’ Cornwallis, to deportation and, during the attempted genocide (‘An Gorta Mór’), it is recorded that no one died on ‘their’ lands from hunger during that period and no evictions took place.

The ‘Senator Colonel’ ‘..served with the Connacht Rangers in the Boer War and became involved with human right issues (and) is credited by many as the founder of The Irish Volunteers. He was appointed by the First Dáil as envoy to South Africa in 1920 (and) served in the (FS) Seanad from 1923 under both W T Cosgrave and E DeValera where he moved legislation for the return of Irish prisoners in English jails (and) was also deeply involved with the establishment of the co-operative movement in Ireland…’ (from here).

Peadar O’Donnell, in his book ‘There will be Another Day’, touched on a meeting he had with the man : “..Senator Colonel Maurice Moore called at my home with the manuscript of a pamphlet he proposed to publish – ‘British Plunder and Irish Blunder’, and he hoped that I might use it serially in ‘An Phoblacht’. I knew of Colonel Moore’s sustained protest in the Free State Senate against the payment of land annuities to Britain, on the ground that the Free State was under no legal obligation to pay them. I did not seek him out, and ‘An Phoblacht’ took little notice of his speeches. For one thing I held it against him, as I held it against W.B. Yeats , that he allowed himself to be nominated to membership of so mean a body as the Free State Senate (and) for another thing, adventuring as I was beyond the limits of IRA policy in my use of ‘An Phoblacht’, it would not occur to me to link up with a Free State Senator who could invoke no better argument than British Acts of Parliament..”

However – regarding the burning of ‘the Big House on the Hill’ : the following letter, from George Moore, was published in ‘The Morning Post’ newspaper on the 14th February 1923, thirteen days after the fire :

‘Sir – so many trite and colourless descriptions have appeared in the newspapers of Irish bonfires that it occurs to me you might like to publish the few lines which I quote, telling of the burning of Moore Hall on the first of this month.

I was sitting in my lodge reading when armed men who where perfect strangers to me came to the door and demanded the keys. I asked what for, and was told that a column was going to be put up for the night. I wanted to go over, but would not be allowed; other armed men were patrolling the road from Annie’s Bridge to Murphy’s Lodge. I had no option but to give up the keys, and suspecting what was on I pointed out to the leader that the house was not Colonel Moore’s property.

This had no effect. I sat up all night, hoping that when all would be clear I could save even a portion of the library. At four o’clock I heard four loud explosions. At five I went to the place and found the whole house a seething mass of flames. I at once saw that all was hopeless. A fire brigade would be powerless, so firmly had the flames gripped the entire building.

I could do nothing but stand by and await the end with the same feeling that one has when standing by the open grave of a very dear friend. I do not say this in a ‘Uriah Heapish’ way, for I really loved that old house. To me it was a modern edition of King Tutankhamen’s tomb. At six o’clock the roof fell in with a terrific crash. When the fire died down I got ladders up to the library windows, hoping to save even a few books, but nothing living could enter, so fierce was the heat.

When Mr Ruttledge returns I would like to have instructions as to what is to be done.

There is several feet of litter on the ground floor. I don’t know if it be worth while to remove this – except steel or iron one cannot hope to find anything. In one sense, perhaps, the house had outlived its usefulness, but still it would be a pity even now to let it become a real ruin. If nothing else be done I would suggest building up all the lower windows to prevent people trafficking in and out as they please.

These lines will seem to many too simple to be considered as ‘literature’ ; the many like ornament. But the simple directness of the lines appeals to me ; I doubt the story could have been better told ; and if they recall to others, as they did to me, Virgil’s celebrated words, Sunt laerimae verum [‘These are the tears of things’], they will justify their publication.

– Yours, etc., George Moore, 121 Ebury Street, London, S.W.1′

The Moore family may indeed not have been ‘the worst in the world’ but their unfortunate connection, at that time, to the ‘landed gentry’, was their downfall on that particular occasion.


Roy Foster (pictured) in the British media.

By Barra Ó Séaghdha.

From ‘Magill’ Annual, 2002.

When Roy Foster, Carroll Professor of Irish History at Oxford, writes a book called ‘The Irish Story’, his British reviewers do not think of Ulster, of Scotland and Wales, of the English and British stories, of Europe or of Empire. They see a quaint little island mired in its faintly absurd history.

Roy Foster is a very intelligent and perceptive person ; he must be aware of the task of revision that this calls for.

Will he have the courage to undertake it?

(END of ‘The British Story’ ; NEXT – ‘William Jefferson Clinton’, from the same source.)


Michael Lowry has so far been the focus of media attention about Fine Gael fundraising.

But the party’s current leader, Enda Kenny (pictured), hosted a £1,000-a-plate dinner two days before the second mobile phone licence was awarded. And other guests say that one of the bidders for that licence was in attendance.

By Mairead Carey.

From ‘Magill’ magazine, January 2003.

On one occasion, the (State) government had to send a helicopter to intercept Michael Keating, having discovered he was on his way to buy Adare Manor for the State!

He transferred his allegiance to ‘The Progressive Democrats’ when the party was founded in the late 1980’s, and was rewarded with the position of deputy leader ahead of Mary Harney, but just two years later he stunned colleagues when he declared that he would not contest the next election.

He later returned to Fine Gael and contested a local election for the party in 1991, and still had contact with the party in the mid-90’s.

In February 1997, the then State Agriculture Minister, Ivan Yates, signed a letter recommending a food company run by Michael Keating and a convicted fraudster named Peter Bolger to the minister of trade in the Gambia. Ivan Yates was unaware of Bolger’s criminal conviction.

The letter described the food export project and said it would have the support of the department. The letter described Michael Keating and a named accountant as “well respected and highly professional. Their presence augurs well for the project..” Six months later Michael Keating was arrested in Dublin with bank drafts made out to Dublin drug dealer George ‘The Penguin’ Mitchell



St. Brigid’s Well, in Clondalkin, Dublin (pictured,) is a local landmark that is considered to be a ‘magic well’ of sorts and was, ‘back in the day’, situated on what was known as ‘Brideswell Common’, an abandoned piece of land which travellers passed on their way to Kildare.

The ‘Well’ and surrounding land was ‘owned’ by William Francis Caldbeck Esq., who rented it to a Mr. Ormsby. The ‘Commons’ area at that time consisted of just two fields with a rough lane dividing them , and a natural spring which the locals named ‘St.Brigid’s Well’ , in honour of St.Brigid who, according to folklore, would baptise so-called ‘pagans’ in the waters of the Well – and, in return, the locals payed particular homage to her on the 1st February each year : ‘the Feast Day of St. Brigid’, one of four major ‘fire’ festivals (known as ‘quarter days’ in Irish mythology – the other three such ‘days’ are Beltane, Lughnasadh, and Samhain). St. Brigid was a ‘fire goddess’, and a perpetual flame burns in her honour at a shrine in Kildare, not too far from the Clondalkin site.

Infants that died before they could be baptised were said to be buried in this immediate area as a lease signed by Caldbeck allowed for burials in a ‘ground [area] of 4 perches…’ and this and the fact that St. Brigid made regular ‘pit stops’ there soon ensured that the Well became a ‘special place’ , the waters of which were said to improve the eyesight of young girls , once their eyes were washed with a wet cloth which was then hung on the nearest tree to dry – as the cloth dried , the eyesight of the girl who had been washed with it improved. Another belief associated with St. Brigid is that of the ‘Brigid’s Bed’, where single females of the area would each make a doll (a ‘Brideog’) to represent Brigid and dress it with as much colour as they could and then make a bed for the doll to lie in.

On St. Brigid’s Eve (31st January), the girls and young women would gather together in one house to stay up all night with the ‘Brideog’, and are then visited by all the young men of the community who must ask permission to enter the home, and treat them and the doll with respect. We still have girls, young women and young men in this world today, but ‘respect’ for them is sometimes not up to that standard, unfortunately.

Thanks for the visit, and for reading,

Sharon and the team.

Posted in History/Politics. | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment



Patrick Canon Murphy was born at Whitehill, Kilmore, in County Wexford on the 25th January 1877 – 146 years ago on this date.

He studied for the priesthood in Rome and at Clonliffe College in Dublin and, at 23 years young, in 1900, he was ordained as a priest.

In 1955, at 78 years of age, he made the following statement to the Free State ‘Bureau of Military History’ : “I was a Member of the House of Missions, Enniscorthy, from 1900 to 1935. In that year I was appointed Parish Priest, Glynn, where I am now. I had a big share in starting the Gaelic League and the County Feis etc in the county. I was for some years a member of the Coisde Gnotha, Dublin. I was associated with Sinn Féin, the Volunteers and every National Movement…”

Easter Sunday, 1916 –“Knowing the plan of operations allotted to them, the Enniscorthy Battalion of the Irish Volunteers were at noon on Easter Sunday ‘standing at arms’ at their headquarters in ‘Antwerp’. Officers and men were greatly disturbed on the arrival of “The Sunday Independent” newspaper which contained John McNeill’s countermanding of the Rising…Captain Seamus Doyle, Captain Rafter, Dr. Dundon, J.J (‘Ginger’)O’Connell and others were soon on the bridge and it was decided to call a Council of War at once to discuss the situation. We assembled at the residence of Mrs. William Murphy on the MillPark Road. There were present the above mentioned and also Miss Ryan and myself. After a long deliberation it was decided to obey McNeill’s Orders and to await developments.

On the following day rumours of the Rising in Dublin had reached Enniscorthy , on receipt of which officers and men, impatient at their inactivity, were anxious to come to the aid of their comrades in Dublin. Yet no mobilisation orders were issued. Commandant Galligan, who was to take command of the field forces of the Battalion, was in Dublin. Finally the Volunteers decided to take action on their own. On Wednesday afternoon all the officers of the Battalion, with two exceptions, assembled in the Athenaeum and decided to mobilise. Commandant Galligan arrived from Dublin with instructions from James Connolly that the Enniscorthy Volunteers were to take over the railway so as to prevent reinforcements reaching Dublin through Rosslare. They were, also, to capture all points of advantage at all costs, but not to waste their ammunition on stone buildings such as the R.I.C. Barracks.

The Rising in Enniscorthy began about 2 o’clock on Thursday morning. About 200 Volunteers in full war-kit assembled in the Athenaeum which was taken over and (used as) the headquarters of the staff. The Republican Flag was hoisted over the building, there to remain until the morning of the surrender, when it was taken down and handed to the writer in whose possession it still remains. A Proclamation signed by Captain Seamus Doyle, Adjutant, was posted on the Market House stating that the town was in the possession of the Volunteers. Early on Thursday morning an order was issued closing all public houses with the result that during the four days of republican rule not a single person was under the influence of drink. On the same morning the railway station was taken over and a train on the way to Arklow was held to be used in case of emergencies. A party of men were sent to loosen the metals on the railway line over The Boro River. They were fired on by the police who captured one man and wounded another.

No attempt was made to capture the R.I.C. barracks. A few shots were fired from the turret rock wounding Constable Grace who was lying in bed close to a window in the line of fire. The first day’s events are described by Captain J.R. Etchingham in his account of the Rising in Enniscorthy written at the headquarters in the Athenaeum : “We have had at least one day of blissful freedom. We have had Enniscorthy under the laws of the Irish Republic for at least one day and it pleases me to learn that the citizens are appreciably surprised. We closed the public houses. We established a force of Irish republican police, comprising some of Enniscorthy’s most respectable citizens, and a more orderly town could not be imagined. Some may attribute this to the dread of our arms. Yet, strange to state, it is not true. True, we commandeered much needed goods from citizens who were not in the past very friendly to our extreme views. The wonder to me is how quickly a shock changes the minds of people..”

How Enniscorthy mobilised on this morning makes you feel optimistic. We never intended to attack the police, barracks or Post Office of Enniscorthy, or elsewhere. The action of Constable Grace in firing the first shot resulted in a desultory fire. It brought about a casualty to a little girl and a wound to himself. We hold all the town and approaches. We have cut the wires, blown up the Boro bridge and so assured that the men of Dublin will not have added to their foes further reinforcements through Rosslare.

April 30th 1916 : I did not get time to scrawl anything yesterday but ‘permits’ to residents of Enniscorthy and visitors to pass through our lines. We are working like steam engines, the staff has been 23 of the hands on duty. Bob Brennan presides at the staff headquarters, his desk being the billiard table of the Athenaeum on which is all the commandeered stuff. The police are in a bad way in this isolated barrack by the Quay. We have some difficulty in keeping the fighting heroes of our little army from capturing the building. We refuse to allow this, though we know the beseiged would welcome even an attack by rotten egg-throwers to give them an excuse for surrendering. Indeed, this is confirmed by the result of an interview arranged by us between the besieged and the members of the Enniscorthy Urban Council. The District Inspector Hegarty assured the deputation that he regretted he could not accede to their terms to lay down arms and don the ordinary clothes of citizens of the Irish Republic. We will not waste ammunition on this little force which will come out to satisfy the searching demand of the stomach. The town is very quiet and orderly. We are commandeering all we require and we have set up different departments.

The people of the town are great. Our order to close up the public houses shows to what an extent these buildings are in disorder. We were all discussing the bright prospect and even our most bitter enemies give to us unstinted praise. The manhood of Enniscorthy is worthy of its manhood. They are working for us like the brave hearts they are. God bless you all brave people of this historic old town.

It is 5.45 a.m. and Captain Dick King and myself get to bed. Dick is great! Of the day’s doings I may note occupation of the National Bank and the Institute for Strategical Reasons. We also occupied Ferns. Bravo Ferns! You hold the remains of Dermot MacMurrough but you boys of today are true as steel.

Rumours of an attack on Enniscorthy : By the end of the week about 2,000 English troops from the Curragh and elsewhere had assembled in Wexford town. They were under the command of Colonel French, a Wexford man, who happened to be on furlough at the time. In addition to the regular forces, many of the Redmond Volunteers and sworn—in Specials offered their services. Rumours of an attack on Enniscorthy reached town. Fearful of loss of life and destruction of property a number of leading citizens formed themselves into a Peace Committee. Rev. R. Fitzhenry, Administrator, and Rev. John Rossiter visited the republican headquarters. What transpired is thus recorded by Captain J.R. Etchingham : “We discuss things and ultimately agree to recognise an armistice. We discuss terms of peace conditionally on the English Military Authorities issuing a proclamation in the four towns of Wexford of this action and that we will not compromise in one comma our principles. We are not averse if an almost bloodless blow wins Independence”.

A meeting of the members of the Peace Committee is held and Father Fitzhenry, Citizens P. O’Neill and S. Buttle go to Wexford. Next comes the return of the Wexford deputation and we know by the face of Father Fitzhenry that he considers he has had bad news. We assemble and listen to the result of the interview. It is unconditional surrender. A copy of a special edition of the “Free Press” is produced which announces the unconditional surrender of our noble Commandant Pearse. Copies of the telegrams purporting to have come to the County Inspector of Police were given to Father Fitzhenry. One asks all units of Irish Volunteers to surrender. Seamus Doyle is the first to wonder at this strange method adopted by P. H. Pearse of communicating the position of his followers and proposes that if he receives a corroboration from Commandant Pearse in his own handwriting, signed in a manner only known to them both, we would consider the situation. Commandant Brennan will not agree to that. He feels England equal to the trick of deceiving us by a knowledge of this gained through the Postal Telegraph Service. I agree with Bob and express wonder why, if Colonel French is the leading authority under Martial Law, the message did not come to him and not to the C.I. of the R.I.C. Eventually we agree to stand by our determination not to lay down our arms unless we are granted a personal interview with P.H. Pearse. The members of the deputation agree that our view is a reasonable one. Seamus Doyle offered to go up in the custody of two military men to interview Pearse. We all ask to put this statement in writing and we keep a copy which runs :

‘Irish Republican Headquarters, April 29th, 1916 –

With regard to the communication laid before the Staff by the Peace Committee we have to state that in view of the affirmation contained therein, to prevent useless bloodshed and destruction of property, we are prepared to obey Commandant Pearse’s Order to lay down our arms if we can be assured that Order has been issued. This assurance we can only accept from Commandant Pearse himself, and in order to satisfy ourselves entirely on this point, we ask that a pass through the English lines to Commandant Pearse be issued to Captain Seamus Doyle who will, if necessary, travel under military escort.

Captain Robert Brennan.

Captain Seamus Doyle.

Lieutenant Michael de Lassaigh.

Seamus Rafter, Captain.

Captain J.R. Etchingham.

Captain R. F. King.’

There you see the names of the leaders of the “Wexford Revolt” of 1916. Lieutenant M de Lacy, who joined us and worked like half a dozen men as Civil Minister, did not hesitate a moment in signing the document although he could easily have avoided it. He is a married man in a good position. That is the spirit which proves to the world that Ireland has, as the Professor puts it, the germ of rebellion against foreign rule.

Well we have had a few days’ Republic in Enniscorthy”. The communication signed by the republican Officers was conveyed to Colonel French by the above-mentioned citizens of the Peace Committee. Colonel French agreed to the request and addressed a letter to Captain Brennan, stating that if Captains Doyle and Etchingham went to Ferrycarrig they would be taken through the English lines and conveyed under safe conduct to Dublin to interview Commandant Pearse :

“We were brought to the British Headquarters which, as well as I remember, were at the Royal Hospital, Kilmainham ; thence we were brought to Arbour Hill Barracks, attended by quite a number of staff officers. We were escorted into the Main Hall, and the cell door was unlocked and flung open, the officers remaining in the hall. As we entered, Pearse was rising from a mattress in the far end of the cell, upon which he had been lying covered with his great coat. He wore the uniform of the Irish Volunteers, which was complete, except for the Sam Browns belt.

The rank—badges were still on the collar of his tunic. I wrote in another place that he seemed to be physically exhausted, but spiritually exultant, and that description must stand. He told us that the Dublin Brigade had done splendidly — five days and five nights of almost continuous fighting – of The O’Rahilly’s heroic death in Moore Street, and of the no less heroic death of our countryman, Captain Tom Weafer, at his position in the Hibernian Bank in O’Connell Street. The surrender was ordered, he told us, to save the lives of the people of Dublin, who were being shot by the British in the streets, adding that he saw them being shot himself. We asked him to give us a written order to bring back with us.

The military warder, who was present during the interview, produced writing materials and, when the order was written, brought it outside to have it examined by some of his officers. While he was absent, Pearse said in a whisper, “Hide your arms, they’ll be needed later”, and so we said farewell. The memory of the handclasp and the smile remains with me”.

Whilst Captains Doyle and Etchingham were away, District Inspector McGovern, R.I.C., Arklow, and Rev. Owen Kehoe, C.C., Camolin, arrived in a motor car carrying a white flag and bearing the surrender order of Commandant Pearse. He was told of the events on the spot and returned to Arklow. Captains Doyle and Etchingham returned late on Sunday night and gave an account of their interview with Commandant Pearse. With regret the officers and men agreed to obey the order from Pearse – to surrender – which they did on Monday morning to Colonel French. The military took the six officers who were conveyed under escort to Wexford. They were later tried by Courtmartial and condemned to death, but the sentence was commuted to Penal Servitude for five years.

Signed: Patrick Murphy P.P.

Date : 22nd July 1955.”

Disturbing, to put it mildly, that those that sit in Leinster House and Stormont – the looters of the Irish Republic – seek to claim political lineage with the men and women of the calibre of those mentioned above. They are as different as chalk and cheese and will never command the same respect as those that ‘went out’ in 1916, and before and since then, to remove the British presence from Ireland, politically and militarily. This country is blessed to have had such people.


From ‘The United Irishman’ newspaper, April 1955.

Children of both religons who are old enough and lucky enough to go to the secondary schools and colleges feel a bit ashamed and uneasy with each other at certain times of the year and under special circumstances.

And in the Twenty-Six Counties the children are anti-nothing, pro-nothing and just aware, perhaps, that there is a part of Ireland over the border of which they know nothing and about which they are given no encouragement to learn.

And Ireland’s children that should laugh and live and love together either scowl at and hate or disown one another, and this pestilential canker that eats the charity out of the hearts of Irishmen (sic) one for the other from the cradle onwards is the disease of British imperialism.

Lately a sweet pure breath of the spirit of separatism has stirred to life some of Ireland’s manhood ; will it survive to give to our children pride and hope and promise of a richer manhood?

(END of ‘The Child Is Father To The Man’ ; NEXT – ‘Tribute To Dead Republican’, from the same source.)


Roy Foster (pictured) in the British media.

By Barra Ó Séaghdha.

From ‘Magill’ Annual, 2002.

British Field-Marshall Earl Roberts stated – “British boys should be taught that, although war – if wanton and aggressive – is a bad and cruel thing, it is nevertheless a most sacred duty and imperative on every man, most of all imperative on Britons, the inheritors of so great an Empire and so glorious a past, to be able to defend in war, if necessary, that Empire, and to jealously guard every right and tradition we hold dear.”*

We are told that, for the first fifty years of independent Ireland (sic), a narrow and highly selective single-island, single-tradition history held sway – until, with the acceleration of modernisation in the 60’s, a new generation of historians had the courage to break and complicate the narrative.

We began to see that our huge dramas were often side-shows to British civil wars or to larger European conflicts. We could not understand or free ourselves and our story if we did not take the trouble to understand others and their stories. But when Professor Roy Foster meets a British journalist, those stories go unmentioned, stereotypes are recycled, connections are not made…

(* ‘1169’ Translation – ‘We have plundered so many countries and bludgeoned hundreds of thousands of people out of our way as we did so that we have to expect that some of them will fight back…’)



Population of Ireland 1841 census : – 8,175,124 (32 Counties).

Population of Ireland 2023 :- 7,026,636 (32 Counties).

For most of us in Ireland, the ‘Master’ has changed over the above-mentioned years but all that has really changed is that we have seen one arrogant bully ‘leave’ and a native one take his place : the owners of the ‘Big Houses’ have moved, attitude intact, into the one ‘Big House’ – Leinster House, in Kildare Street in Dublin.

These native ‘Toffs’, ‘poachers turned gamekeepers’, have decided that they, too, should be entitled to the best of everything, with little or no effort on their behalf, whilst offering nothing in return for their ‘keep’.

In order to maintain their lifestyles, they are bleeding not only the working and non-working population dry but are thieving whatever natural resources they can get their fat-fingered hands on and selling it to the highest bidder in return for personal ‘donations’.

And, unfortunately, rather than take them on, challenge and stop them, most people take the view that it’s easier – less hassle – to just leave the country and try and start a new life in a society that will treat them with some respect.

And, in our opinion, that’s a shame, and it’s the wrong choice : the native ‘Toff’, morally, financially and spiritually self-‘insulated’ from those he/she looks down on – and surrounded by a legal and ‘security’ barrier (ironically paid for in taxes by those at the bottom of the heap) has feet of clay and stands on a weak foundation.

They can be toppled, but not from a distant shore. To quote Oscar Wilde : “The development of the race depends on the development of the individual , and where self-culture has ceased to be the ideal, the intellectual standard is instantly lowered and , often, ultimately lost.”

We, as a people, haven’t quite ‘lost’ it, yet – but, unfortunately we’re getting there.


Two 24-years-young IRA men, Michael Fitzgerald and Patrick O’Reilly, members of the Cork No.1 IRA Brigade, were sheltering in a ‘safe house’ in Clashmore, in West Waterford, in early December 1923.

On the 4th December, their location having been no doubt sold by an informer to Free Staters, both men were captured by the Staters and they were taken to Ballybricken Jail in Waterford and charged with ‘illegal possession of firearms and ammunition’ and sentenced to death.

Over the next six weeks or so, at least two-thousand people signed a petition for clemency for the two men but – on the 25th January 1923, 100 years ago on this date – the Staters stood Michael Fitzgerald and Patrick O’Reilly up against a wall and shot them dead.

To their eternal shame, the catholic church let it be known that they considered the two men as having ‘committed suicide’ (the hierarchy of that religion had by then firmly placed themselves on the side of the Staters) and the two coffins had to be held in the Town Hall in Youghal, in County Cork, until the funerals were held.

Michael Fitzgerald, a former ‘WW1’ fighter with the British Navy, told his captors that he had “..faced death too many times, both by land and sea, to worry about a traitorous Irishman’s bullet..”

‘They were true to our right, they fought the fight,

and they rest in the peace of God.

Lift up your hearts, Oh brave young men,

and march in the ways they trod!’

You can read more about those two brave Irishmen here.


Michael Lowry has so far been the focus of media attention about Fine Gael fundraising.

But the party’s current leader, Enda Kenny (pictured), hosted a £1,000-a-plate dinner two days before the second mobile phone licence was awarded. And other guests say that one of the bidders for that licence was in attendance.

By Mairead Carey.

From ‘Magill’ magazine, January 2003.

That Dublin consortium had already secured planning permission for a conference centre and associated casino, but were now bidding for the EU grant.

The group included arcade owner Richard Quirke and Dublin architect Paul Clinton, who were also invited to attend the fundraising dinner in the Conrad Hotel, and they were accompanied on the night by Michael Keating, the former junior minister.

Michael Keating was once the golden boy of Irish politics ; first elected to the Dáil (sic) for Fine Gael in 1977, he was quickly appointed to the party’s front bench and became its spokesperson on law reform. In 1981 he ran against, and came within a few hundred votes of, Bertie Ahern.

He expected to be appointed (State) ‘Minister for Justice’ as a result but had to settle for a junior ministry in education where he quickly became embroiled in controversy…


Thanks for the visit, and for reading,

Sharon and the team.

Posted in History/Politics. | Leave a comment



Daniel O’Connell (‘The Liberator’, pictured) never claimed to be an Irish republican despite involving himself in an issue which, then as now, required a republican solution in order to obtain a just resolution.

Although he campaigned on behalf of those who suffered as a result of injustices inflicted by Westminster, he made it clear that it was his desire that Ireland should remain as a unit governed by the British ‘Monarchy’ – saying, if you like – ‘stay if you want, just treat us better’. He had publicly and repeatedly vowed to work within ‘the law’ – British ‘law’.

The only force to be used, he stated, was “moral force”, but even this was too much of a demand for Westminster – ‘Sir’ Robert Peel (the then British Prime Minister) replied that to ‘grant’ O’Connell his way “would not merely mean the repeal of an Act of (British) Parliament, but dismemberment of a great Empire. Deprecating as I do all war but above all, civil war, yet there is no alternative which I do not think preferable to the dismemberment of Empire..” In other words – ‘thus far, O’Connell, but no further’.

His subservience to British ‘law’ could have been used against him at any time and, in December 1830, that’s what happened : he was one of a group of ‘troublemakers’ that were rounded-up for questioning in connection with meetings/assemblage of a type which had been forbidden by the British ‘Lord Lieutenant of Ireland’ – Westminster was ‘jittery’ regarding its political position in Ireland due, in the main, to four issues : corn (availability and price of), currency devaluations, the overall banking system and the ‘catholic problem’ ; this period in our history witnessed the beginning of ‘an Cogadh na nDeachúna’the ‘Tithe War’, and also heralded in catholic unrest in Belgium and Poland.

Westminster would not allow such actions to gather pace here, if it could help it.

On the 18th January 1831 (192 years ago on this date) Daniel O’Connell was charged on 31 counts (14 of which were for ‘violating the Suppression Act of 10 George IV 1829’, to which O’Connell pleaded guilty) including ‘conspiracy’, and was arrested, fined 2,000 pounds and imprisoned for one year.

He served three months, mostly because the ‘1829 Acts’ expired in April that year and those imprisoned under it were released by default.

Westminster had ‘boxed clever’ – it had been seen to ‘punish offenders’ but not to the extent where the offender would become radicalised due to the severity of the punishment, a trick it performs to this day on those Irish people who consider themself to be ‘radicals’!


From ‘The United Irishman’ newspaper, April 1955.

In their first years when deep and lasting impressions are made, the conflicting ideas of justice that surround them confuses their reasoning about right and wrong and, floundering through the years towards manhood, they develop a code of hate, and fear one for the other.

This has been exemplified recently when, at the bidding of the politicians in the pay of England we have the horrifying and sorrowful instance of one unfortunate young Irish boy of eighteen blowing the brains out of another.

In the Six Counties, the catholic children are usually born of parents with tendencies towards Irish nationalism, seldom clearly defined ; their first, and often last, ideas about it is that it is something anti-protestant, anti-Union Jack, anti-police, anti-‘B Special’, and that it very often means if their father works as a tradesman or factory worker, a certain amount of insecurity and very often a loss of daddy for months on end in England.

The protestant child is, generally speaking, ‘pro’ all the things that his catholic playmates are ‘anti’ ; his father is often a B-man and so he has the security of knowing when he writes ‘No Pope’ on the public highway, without having the faintest idea very often who the pope is, that he has the backing of an army, and the Pope’s people don’t have guns in the main…



‘On January 18th 1922, a group of unemployed Dublin workers seized the concert hall of the Rotunda.

‘The Irish Times’ of the following day noted that ‘..the unemployed in Dublin have seized the concert room at the Rotunda, and they declare that they will hold that part of the building until they are removed, as a protest against the apathy of the authorities…a ‘garrison’, divided into ‘companies’, each with its ‘officers’, has been formed, and from one of the windows the red flag flies..’

Liam O’Flaherty, as chairman of the ‘Council of Unemployed’, spoke to the paper about the refusal of the men to leave the premises, stating that no physical resistance would be put up against the police and that the protest was a peaceful one, yet they intended to stay where they were –“If we were taken to court, we would not recognise the court, because the Government that does not redress our grievances is not worth recognising..” O’Flaherty told the Times…’ (more here.)

Rather than ‘tackle’ (occupy, in this case) symptoms of the disease (ie the Concert Hall and Apollo House), the actual disease itself should be ‘tackled’, providing those doing so have no apparent embarrassing baggage.


In October of 1920, a Mr. John Robert Clynes of the British Labour Party voiced his concern, in Westminster, that the British Government were “..arming the Orangemen (to) police their Catholic neighbours…” in the Six County ‘State’, while Joe Devlin (‘United Irish League’ – UIL) [pictured] pointed out that 300 of the ‘Special Constables’ from the Lisburn area had already “resigned in protest” because their “fellow Constables” would not stop looting their (Catholic) neighbours!

Mr. Devlin stated – “The Protestants are to be armed. Their pogrom is to be made less difficult. Instead of paving stones and sticks they are to be given rifles.”

Joe Devlin led a busy life – a barman and journalist at the start of his working life, he was elected as a ‘Home Rule MP’ (British Parliament) for North Kilkenny in 1902, at 31 years young, and held his seat until 1906, when he was elected again, this time for the West Belfast area. He was that area’s representative in Westminster until 1922 ; he acted as General Secretary for the ‘United Irish League’ (UIL)/Home Rule Party’, from 1904 to 1920, and was also involved with the ‘Ancient Order of Hibernians’ when, at 34 years of age, he served as the ‘National President’ of that organisation, a position he held for 29 years (!), during which time he forged links between the ‘AOH’ and the ‘United Irish League’.

He first took a seat in Stormont in 1921 (at 50 years of age, and stayed there until 1934) ; in 1928 he founded, and chaired, the ‘National League of the North’. Incidentally, he was not related to Bernadette Devlin or Paddy Devlin.

The ‘Irish News’ newspaper wrote the following piece the day after Joe Devlin died –

“It is with feelings of the most profound sorrow that we record the death of Mr Joseph Devlin, MP…his own people, like many others, were driven from the country by the conditions of the times into the growing city of Belfast, and lived in humble circumstances in the West Division. A little household typical of thousands where life was a daily struggle to avert poverty, and where the youngest were expected to do their share, was the home of his early years…like the majority of the Catholic youth of Belfast at that period, he left school early to take his part in the battle of life…

Speaking of him, Mr John Redmond M.P., said: “Mr Devlin’s career has been a proud one for Ireland. It has been more than that – it has been a hopeful one for Ireland. Few public careers in the last century have been so rapid as the career of Mr Devlin. He today holds a foremost position in the public life of our country, and if I were asked to explain the reason, in my opinion, for the rapidity and success of his career, I would say that its success and rapidity have been due to the combination of several great qualities – superb debating power and dauntless courage, combined with a cautious mind and a cool judgment ; transparent honesty and enthusiasm combined with an absolutely untiring industry; perfect loyalty to his leader for the time being, to his comrades, and to his Party – combined, let me say, with a modest and lovable disposition…”.

At the General Election of 1906 Mr Devlin was elected by a majority of 16…there was an indescribable outburst of enthusiasm when the figures were announced. Angered by the rout of the Tory, a mob of Unionists, who had been expecting the defeat of Mr Devlin and had come to the Courthouse on the Crumlin Road, where the votes were counted, with drums, bands and banners to celebrate the event, gave full expression in the usual manner to their chagrin. As Mr Devlin MP was descending the steps of the Courthouse, surrounded by his friends, a police inspector advised him not to leave that way.

Mr Devlin’s response was characteristic. “I am not going to sneak out by the back way.” He then proceeded down the steps in face of the mob, and one of the police, realising his undaunted courage, shouted for fair play for Mr Devlin. The West was truly awake that night ; it was Belfast’s night of jubilation, in which old and young came out to expression to the joy they felt at the triumph of their fellow citizen – a man who later was destined to plead their cause all over the civilised world. The historic division that night was ablaze with bonfires and illuminations, and the dawn had broken before the people retired to rest…” (from here).

Joe Devlin died young, at 63 years of age, on Thursday, the 18th January 1934 – 89 years ago on this date.


Roy Foster (pictured) in the British media.

By Barra Ó Séaghdha.

From ‘Magill’ Annual, 2002.

Is there no connection between ‘Little Arthur’s History Of England’ by Lady Callcott, for example, and the histories of Ireland written at the same time?

“The Irish had again proved very troublesome. A number of them wished to have a separate parliament to sit in Dublin, as it did in the old days.

For some years the people of England and Ireland were greatly agitated over this but, at last, it was decided that the Irish should not have a parliament of their own, but that they should continue to sit with the Scottish and Welsh members.

The Queen had a beautiful house in Scotland called Balmoral, where she spent some months every year. She was eighty-nine when she went over to Ireland but she was very pleased with the hearty welcome she received from the warm-hearted Irish. It is pleasant to turn from Irish affairs to the Queen’s first Jubilee.”

Is there no connection between Patrick Pearse in his last years and Field-Marshall Earl Roberts VC, KG, OM etc

“And I trust that, in a short time, every British boy will receive a certain amount of military training and be taught to use a rifle with skill. This training cannot begin too early in life…”

‘1169’ comment – the “connection”, if it could be called that, is in the difference between Roberts’ objectives and those of Patrick Pearse ; Roberts wanted the youth trained in military skills to aid his ’empire’ in the conquest of foreign lands whereas Pearse wanted the youth trained to defend Ireland from outside interference.)



Michael Lowry has so far been the focus of media attention about Fine Gael fundraising.

But the party’s current leader, Enda Kenny (pictured), hosted a £1,000-a-plate dinner two days before the second mobile phone licence was awarded. And other guests say that one of the bidders for that licence was in attendance.

By Mairead Carey.

From ‘Magill’ magazine, January 2003.

“The Scandinavian businessman told us that his company had already won a similar competition and that the licence had been worth over £200,000 to them…” ,one of the people present said – “…he obviously knew the true value of the licence.”

Rules governing the competition for the licence excluded the relevant minister, Michael Lowry, from having any knowledge of how the applications were being evaluated but it has already been revealed at the Moriarty Tribunal that Lowry had a number of conversations with members of consortia bidding for the licence in the run-up to the awarding of the contract – despite warnings from his officials not to do so. The Conrad fundraiser has never been mentioned, however.

The mobile phone licence was not the only major contract being awarded at that time – there was also a competition to build the ‘National Conference Centre’ at a cost of up to £50 million. A grant, possibly totalling £26 million, was available from the EU for the ‘flagship’ project, and thirteen consortia entered the competition, including a group of Dublin city businessmen who owned the old Carlton Cinema and adjoining properties on O’Connell Street in Dublin…


Thanks for the visit, and for reading ; ‘Happy Wednesday’ to ya and ‘Bah Humbug’ to all this enforced ‘New Year’ jolliment (!)…agus slán go fóill anois!

Sharon and the team.

Posted in History/Politics. | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment